Patriarch Sergiy (Stragorodsky)

Patriarch Sergiy (Stragorodsky) (1867-1944)

Sergiy may be spelt Sergius, Sergei, Sergé, Serge.

Early life of Ivan Nikolaevich Stragorodsky

On 1 January, 1867, Ivan Nikolaevich Stragorodsky was born into the family of Archpriest Nikolai Stragorodsky and Matushka Lyubov Dmitrievna Raevskaya, in the city of Arzamas, in the Nizhny Novgorod Governorate in the Russian Empire. This region is situated about 400 km (250 mi) northeast of Moscow.

Ivan Nikolaevich had an elder sister, Aleksandra, and they were raised as Orthodox Christians in the bosom of the Russian Orthodox Church.

Father Nikolay served as the priest at the Saint Aleksey Women's Monastery in Arzamas.

Holy Alekseyevsky Monastery, Arzamas

Bereavement, 1868

In 1868, Matushka Lyubov Stragorodskaya suddenly fell ill with consumption (TB).

On 17 September, 1868, after having received the Holy Mysteries of Christ, she fell asleep in the Lord.

After the Funeral Services for the Burial of a Lay-Person, her body was interred in All Saints Cemetery in Arzamas.

Ivan Nikolaevich and his elder sister Aleksandra Nikolaevna were then taken care of by their father.

In this Arzamas, both in his family and in the diocesan schools of the Russian Orthodox Church, he received a deep education both about the Orthodox Christian Faith and about various secular subjects.

He received his primary education at the parish school.

Higher education

After finishing his preliminary education, Ivan Nikolaevich enrolled for study at the Arzamas Theological Seminary of the Eparchy of Nizhny Novgorod and Arzamas.

In August, 1880, he entered the Nizhny Novgorod Theological Seminary. He graduated from this seminary.

Nizhny Novgorod Seminary

In 1886, Ivan Nikolaevich entered the Saint Petersburg Theological Academy, in the history department.

Monastic tonsure, 1890

On 30 January, 1890, Ivan N Stragorodsky was tonsured to be a monk, and he was given the name Sergiy in honour of Saint Sergei of Valaam.

Diaconal ordination, 1890

Soon after the tonsure, the Monk Sergiy (Stragorodsky) was ordained to the Holy Diaconate.

Presbyteral ordination, 1890

On 21 April, 1890, as a fourth year student at the academy, the Hierodeacon Sergiy (Stragorodsky) was ordained to the Holy Presbyterate.

Pastoral service

On 9 May, 1890, Hieromonk Sergiy (Stragorodsky) graduated from the Saint Petersburg Orthodox Theological Academy with the degree of Candidate of Theology (PhD).

Saint Petersburg Theological Academy

Japan, 1890

On 13 June, 1890, the Hieromonk Sergiy (Stragorodsky) was assigned to serve in Japan as a member of the Orthodox spiritual mission there. The focus of his activities was the nascent Annunciation parish in Kyoto.

Kyoto Annunciation Temple

Chaplaincy, 1891

In December, 1891, he was assigned to serve as a chaplain on the cruiser “Memory of Azov”.

Russian Fleet Cruiser "Memory of Azov"

Saint Petersburg, 1893

In 1893, he was summoned to Saint Petersburg, where he was assigned to serve as assistant professor in the Department of Old Testament Scripture in the Saint Petersburg Theological Academy.

Then, on 13 December, 1893, the Hieromonk Sergiy (Stragorodsky) was transferred, and he was assigned to serve as the Acting Inspector of the Moscow Theological Academy.

On 21 September, 1894, the Hieromonk Sergiy (Stragorodsky) was elevated to the dignity of archimandrite, and he was transferred and assigned to serve as the rector of the Russian Embassy Church to the Church of Greece in Athens, Greece.

Archimandrite Sergiy

In 1895, Archimandrite Sergiy (Stragorodsky) was awarded the Degree Master of Theology for his dissertation, “The Orthodox Teaching of Salvation”.

Japan Spiritual Mission, 1897

In 1897, Archimandrite Sergiy was again transferred, and he was re-assigned to serve in Japan as assistant to the head of the spiritual mission, Bishop (Saint) Nicholas (Kasatkin).

In 1898 he served in Osaka, Japan.

On 29 July, 1899, Archimandrite Sergiy was transferred back to Russia, where he was assigned to serve as the Rector of the Saint Petersburg Theological Seminary.

Saint Petersburg Theological Academy, 1899

On 6 October, 1899, he was assigned to serve as the Inspector of the Saint Petersburg Theological Academy.

On 21 January, 1901, Archimandrite Sergiy (Stragorodsky) was assigned to serve as the Rector of the Saint Petersburg Theological Academy.

After he had been chosen by the Most Holy Synod of the Russian Orthodox Church to become a bishop, and the proposal submitted to the emperor, the Emperor Nicholas II issued the necessary decree that this be done.

Episcopal ordination, 1901

On 25 February, 1901, Archimandrite Sergiy (Stragorodsky) was ordained to the Holy Episcopate in Saint Petersburg. He was ordained by Metropolitan Antony (Vadovsky) of Saint Petersburg ; Metropolitan Feognost (Lebedev) of Moscow ; Metropolitan Vladimir (Bogoyavlensky) of Moscow ; Archbishop Jerome (Ekzemplyarsky) of Chelm ; Bishop Jacob (Pyatnitsky) of Cishinau ; Bishop Benjamin (Muratovsky) of Gdov ; Bishop Nikon (Sofiysky) of Narva ; Bishop Vladimir (Blagorazumov) of Sarapul ; and Bishop Boris (Plotnikov) of Yamburg (retired). The father of the new bishop, Archpriest Nikolai Stragorodsky, was amongst the clergy who were present.

Bishop Sergiy

Episcopal service

Bishop Sergiy (Stragorodsky) was assigned to serve as the Bishop of Yamburg, and as Vicar-Bishop of the Saint Petersburg Diocese.

Between November, 1901 and April, 1903, Bishop Sergiy held religious and philosophical meetings of representatives of the clergy and the public created on the initiative of a number of creative intelligentsia to discuss the relationship between the Church, the intelligentsia and the state ; freedom of conscience ; Churches and marriage ; Christian dogma, and many others. After 22 meetings, the meetings were terminated by personal order of the Ober-Procurator of the Most Holy Synod, K P Pobedonostsev.

Finland, 1905

On 6 October, 1905, Bishop Sergiy (Stragorodsky) was elevated to the dignity of archbishop.

On the same day, Bishop Sergiy was transferred, and he was assigned to serve as the Archbishop of Finland and Vyborg. At that time, the territory of the Grand Duchy of Finland was rather larger than it was after 1940.

Holy Dormition Cathedral, Helsinki (left) ; Holy Transfiguration Cathedral, Vyborg/Viipuri(right)

In 1906, Archbishop Sergiy participated in the session of the Most Holy Synod, in that he presided over the Study Committee which was meeting in view of correcting the text of liturgical books.

Also in 1906, he was named an Honourary Member of the Saint Petersburg Theological Academy.

On 6 May, 1911, Archbishop Sergiy was assigned to serve as a member of the Most Holy Synod.

In March, 1912, he was assigned to serve as Chairman of the Pre-Council Commission of the Most Holy Synod (in view of an anticipated All-Russian Local Council for which a date remained to be determined).

On 6 May, 1912, Archbishop Sergiy (Stragorodsky) was awarded the right to wear a “diamond” Cross on the klobuk.

Bereavement, 1913

On 22 February, 1913 (the day of the celebration of the 300th anniversary of the reign of the Romanov dynasty), Vladyka Sergiy's father, the greatly-beloved pastor, Archpriest Nikolai Stragorodsky, fell asleep in the Lord in Arzamas.

On 23 February, 1913, in the catholicon of the Alekseievsky Women's Monastery (where the deceased had served for 47 years), a Memorial Divine Liturgy was served in the presence of the body of the newly-departed Archpriest Nikolai Stragorodsky. This was soon followed by the Funeral Service for the Burial of a Presbyter. The services were led by Archbishop Sergiy (Stragorodsky), along with Bishop Gennady (Tuberozov) of Balakhna and all the clergy of the city of Arzamas, as well as clergy who arrived from the surrounding villages, who served at the blessing of Bishop Joachim (Levitsky) of Nizhny Novgorod and Arzamas.

After the conclusion of the funeral obsequies, the body of Father Nikolai Stragorovsky was interred in All Saints Cemetery in the city of Arzamas, next to the grave of his wife, the servant of God Matushka Lyubov Stragorodsky.

Continued archpastoral service

On 4 April, 1913, Archbishop Sergiy was assigned to serve as Chairman of the Missionary Council at the Most Holy Synod.

On 14 January, 1915, in accordance with his request, he was released from his responsibilities as Chairman of the Missionary Council.

February Revolution, 1917

On 23 February/8 March, 1917, the revolutionary demonstrations began. Their sources included the unwelcome participation in World War I together with the military failures ; economic stresses ; lack of work, and the apparent deafness and blindness of the emperor concerning the plight of the people. The demonstrations continued for about 10 days, and they culminated in the abdication of Emperor Nicholas II. His brother, Michael Romanov, in whose favour he had abdicated, declined to take up the responsibility. As was described by Lev L Regelson :

 In his act Michael asserted the fundamental principle of monarchic consciousness: although the 
 source of the Monarch's power lies in God, this power can act only if the people expresses its 
 free consent to this form of rule.  The Monarchy was established by the Russian people at the 
 Assembly of the Land in 1613, but now loyalty to this decision was being questioned and a new 
 expression of the people's will on the state structure was required. Therefore, although 
 Nicholas II and Michael were undoubtedly convinced that the monarchic structure was the most 
 beneficial for Russia's welfare, they could not impose this structure on the people against its 
 will. This is what is asserted in the last monarchic act of the Russian State :
 
 ‘A heavy burden has been placed upon me by the will of my brother, who transferred to me the 
 Imperial All-Russian throne at a time of unparalleled war and popular unrest. Inspired by a single 
 thought with the whole people, that the good of our Homeland is higher than all else, I have taken 
 the firm decision to accept supreme power only if this be the will of our great people, who should 
 by a vote of the whole people through their representatives at a Constituent Assembly establish the 
 form of government and new basic laws of the Russian State. [...]’
   
 This position was fully confirmed by the Holy Synod of the Orthodox Russian Church (entirely 
 ‘monarchic’ in its composition) in its appeal to believers of 9 March, 1917 :
 
 ‘The will of God has come to pass. Russia has embarked on the path of a new state life. May God bless 
 our great Homeland with happiness and glory on its new path. [...] The enemy still stands on our soil, 
 and our splendid army must make great endeavours in the near future. [...] For the sake of the 
 happiness of the Homeland, abandon all strife and discord at this great historic hour and unite 
 in brotherly love for the good of the Homeland’.  
 
 The signatories of the appeal included Metropolitan Vladimir of Kiev, Archbishop Arsenius of Novgorod 
 and the two future patriarchs - Tikhon and Sergius. In the last few days before the Tsar's abdication, 
 when everything was in the balance, the Church authorities with their great authority could have tried 
 to influence the course of events decisively. However, the Synod firmly rejected a proposal by the 
 Ober-Procuror Raev to issue a monarchistic appeal to Orthodox believers.  Nor was any summons or appeal 
 sent to Nicholas II and Michael with a request or demand that they observe their obligations of the 
 Anointed as these had always been understood by the Church. All this shows that the Church leadership 
 also shared the idea for a new popular vote on the form of state structure. 

This turn of events was followed immediately by a restructuring of the administration by the Provisional Government, but with an administration that had difficulty coping with the situation. Unrest was being fomented from within the country by various groups, and from abroad by others.

On 10 August, 1917, Archbishop Sergiy (Stragorodsky) was assigned to serve as the Archbishop of the Diocese of Vladimir and Shuya.

Holy Dormition Cathedral, Vladimir

All-Russian Local Council 1917-1918

During 1917-1918, Archbishop (and then Metropolitan) Sergiy (Stragorodsky) served as a member of the All-Russian Local Holy Council as it met in Moscow.

The Local Council had been convened in the Dormition Cathedral of Moscow, in the Moscow Kremlin, on the Feast of the Dormition (15/28 August). Of the 564 delegates participating, several were from North America, and many others had had experience in the Russian Mission there. All the participants at the Dormition Cathedral were well aware of the instability of the Provisional Government. The Council began for the first time since 1721 without the presence and activity of an Ober-Procurator of the government. Underlying all considerations was the desire to meet in the spirit of “sobornost” throughout the council. This implies mutual co-operation and as far as possible consensus, a method which takes time. It is also the most traditional method of conducting meetings throughout Orthodox Christian Church history.

It is necessary to keep in mind that during the several centuries since the changes imposed by Emperor Peter I, there had developed many distortions of the normal, traditional Orthodox Christian way of living and of understanding life and creation. Not the least of the changes was the replacing of a patriarch with a committee (the “Most Holy Governing Synod”), which was itself governed within the Ministry of the Interior by an Ober-Procurator. The Church was forced to subsist as a department of the imperial government. Although this particular matter was corrected, many others could not be attended to in the time available to the participants during this time of revolution and turmoil. Furthermore, decision-making at such meetings is not a matter of a simple majority vote. Rather, the aim is for consensus, which means that these important decisions are taken on the basis of having come to an agreement that brings all as closely as possible to unanimity. This process takes time.

Bolshevik Revolution, 1917 ; Restoration of the Patriarchate, 1917

The restoration of the patriarchate was the first, and most important item of “business” for the Council. However, this had to be preceded by decisions regarding the overall re-organisation of the Church’s life and structure. The process of deciding on the precise method of choosing a patriarch also had to be finalised. Then, on 21 November/4 December, the Feast of the Entrance of the Theotokos to the Temple, Metropolitan Tikhon (Belavin) of Moscow was chosen to be the Patriarch of Moscow and All Russia.

By this time, the Bolshevik Revolution of 25 October/7 November had occurred. The revolution was accompanied by wide-spread bloodshed, a not dissimilar situation to the aftermath of the French Revolution 120 years before. It was also accompanied by the first martyrdoms. It was already clear what direction the new government was taking, and decisions were taken in order to ensure the stability of the re-organisation of the Church of Russia, and also the process for choosing a new patriarch in case of sudden death.

All-Russian Sobor session

On 28 November/11 December, 1917, Archbishop Sergiy (Stragorodsky) was elevated to the dignity of Metropolitan.

The time of the All-Russian Council was particularly important for the Church. After centuries of enslavement to the imperial government, the Church was free for a time, and as many decisions as possible were taken in order to restore normal functioning of the Church within Herself, and in Her addressing the society in which She subsisted. However, the political turmoil that developed produced confusion on many levels within the Church.

There were many elements of Church life as it was during the imperial period which were perceived to be the fault of the Church, whereas the Church had no choice in the matter. The newly-developing Communist state was in part reacting against such faults, and from the beginning it was bringing persecution and death upon the clergy and Faithful of the Church. It was convenient to hold the Church responsible for her situation as a department of the imperial government, and for the inevitable consequences of that subservience in which she remained chained. Soviet atheism, a component of this negative reaction to the Church, developed determinedly into the official policy of this state.

The events of the Russian Revolutions of 1917 are said to have caused the more politically left-leaning of the clergy to consider the Great Moscow Council as not having been radical enough. They insisted that the Church had to adapt to the realities of the new Communist government, to revise its attitude towards socialist doctrine, and to make significant changes in its own canonical and liturgical tradition. At that time, however, there were very many who could not accept that this new government could last, and they were hoping (in the context of the activities of the White Movement and the Civil War) that there could be a return to the monarchy (at least to a constitutional monarchy, as contrasted with the previous absolute monarchy).

Metropolitan Sergiy with Patriarch (Saint) Tikhon, 1918

In March, 1917, before the Bolshevik Revolution of October/November, a group of clerics in Saint Petersburg had formed the “Union of the Democratic Clergy and Laity” with an essentially Christian Socialist programme (so-called). After the Bolshevik Revolution of October/November, 1917, the “Christian Socialist” position had moved many reform-minded clergy to profess full loyalty to the newly established Soviet system, and to opposition to Patriarch Tikhon (Belavin), who had condemned its atheistic activities. Very soon, Soviet authorities, especially its secret service, “All-Russia Extraordinary Commission” (“Cheka”), later the “GPU” (State Political Directorate) took interest in these "Renovationist" groups. In them, they saw the possibility of splitting and weakening the Orthodox Church by using the old principle : “divide and rule”.

Despite any possible good intentions amongst the renovators, the impatience of many led them to ignore the idiomatic admonition,

 ‘Do not throw the baby out with the bath-water’.  

Nevertheless, there were archpastors and pastors who led their spiritual flocks carefully through the great turmoil in society. Metropolitan Saint Benjamin (Kazansky) was one such. Of course, Petrograd (his see), was one of the great centres of such turmoil, together with the fomenting of anti-Church activities and measures.

In 1921, he was described by Bishop Alexei of Yamburg (one of the dioceses of the Saint Petersburg metropolia). In his description, he not only describes the nature of Saint Benjamin, but he also describes the work of an exemplary Orthodox archpastor, a description that fits Saint Tikhon (Belavin), Metropolitan Sergiy (Stragorodsky) and others :

 Metropolitan Benjamin holds in his hands all the strands of government ; and from him, on the one  
 hand, comes the initiative of various beginnings, and on the other, strong support of those who work in 
 this or that field.  He knows everything that is being done, as well as by whom and how the work is 
 done.  He knows how to show both his approval and his displeasure.  He perfectly takes into account 
 and he understands what is happening under the present conditions ; and in such a city as Petrograd, 
 the power of the archpastor is in perhaps frequent and close communication with the people.  He, 
 himself, together with his vicars, intends to expand his circle into more and more prayerful communion 
 with the faithful people.  In this, he succeeds to a great extent.  

Schism of the Renovationists, 1922-1946

From the time of the revolution, the Russian Orthodox Church had been deprived of legal status. This produced a sort of vacuum. This situation was exacerbated by the fact that communication amongst the bishops became difficult, and sometimes impossible. In part because of this, during many of the following years, it was often unclear to those involved who was the proper successor to Patriarch Tikhon, and what were the correct choices for the good of the Orthodox Christian Faith and Church. The other greatly contributing cause for this uncertainty was the beginning of the Russian Civil War, which lasted from 1918 to 1921.

The co-operation between the Renovationists and the Communist regime which had begun in 1917 led directly to a schism, which began openly in 1922. This division was largely orchestrated and supported by the Communist authorities. Its effects were felt by the Orthodox Church around the world, and one of the side-effects was a tension between the Moscow Patriarchate and the Patriarchate of Constantinople at the time. The source of this tension was the quick recognition of the “Renovationists” by the Patriarchate of Constantinople, supposedly given because of its legal status and support by the government. Her representatives in Russia attended the general assemblies of the “Renovationists” from the beginning. The Patriarchate of Antioch representative seems to have done so as well for a time. Once the legal status of the Russian Orthodox Church had been established, Constantinople seems technically to have recognised both entities, but it was much more visibly present to the “Renovationists” through representatives. Only in 1943 did the situation return to complete recognition of the canonical Russian Orthodox Church.

Despite the many pressures to establish this state-run anti-Church entity, there proved to be considerable passive resistance to it amongst the Orthodox believers in Russia.

Moreover, at the beginning of the 1920s, the Soviet authorities had initiated a large campaign of persecution and repression against the Russian Orthodox Church : many priests and bishops were arrested and executed. In addition, the means which the Romanov Dynasty had used to control the Church were put back in place. Simply, the Church was again subjugated to the state, and a supervisor in the government was given the responsibility to make decisions about the Church (usually regarding how to debilitate her).

In January, 1921, Metropolitan Sergiy was arrested. He spent several months in the Butyrka prison. He was released on the Feast of Pascha (1 May) that year. It is known that the monk Vladimir (Putyata) (who had been deposed from being a bishop), vouched for him. After a meeting of the Holy Synod, at which the Monk Vladimir (Putyata) was refused reinstatement, Metropolitan Sergiy was sent to Nizhny Novgorod.

Imprisonment at any time during the soviet period usually involved cruel forms of interrogation, accompanied by violence and torture. In punishment camps, this was amplified by more violence and forced (slave) labour.

In 1921, following the 1920 issuing of Patriarch Saint Tikhon’s Decree no. 362, 34 bishops of The Russian Orthodox Church Outside Russia (ROCOR) met in synod in Karlovtsy, Serbia. The meeting included Metropolitan Platon (Rozhdestvensky), primate of the Russian Metropolia in North America, since the "Metropolia" (at that time) was a part of the Synod of Bishops Outside Russia (ROCOR). The ROCOR still considered itself to be not a permanent institution, but merely a temporary one, which had been created as a response to the extraordinary events of the preceding years.

Famine of 1921-1922

The Great Russian Famine began in the spring of 1921, and it lasted until 1922. During this time, the government used the famine as an excuse to plunder anything valuable from the Temples throughout the country. The Russian Church leaders had quickly and voluntarily organised special collections and programmes for relief of the hungry. These compassionate leaders were portrayed instead by the civil authorities as being uncaring and greedy, since they did not accept the handing-over of holy objects to the godless. Therefore, such things were taken from the Church by violence. The situation served as an opportunity to oppress the Church yet more.

Official establishment of the USSR ; official state atheism, 1922

On 30 December, 1922, the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) was officially created. It was also called the Soviet Union.

State atheistic policies developed

The USSR became the first state (except France for a time) to have as one objective of its official ideology the elimination of existing religion (any religion), and the prevention of future implanting of religious belief, with the goal of establishing state atheism (“gosateizm”). Under the doctrine of state atheism in the Soviet Union, there was a so-called government-sponsored programme of conversion to atheism conducted by Communists. Based on State interests, the Communist government targeted religions ; and while most organised religions were never outlawed, religious property was confiscated, believers were harassed, and religion was ridiculed while atheism was propagated in schools. In 1925, the government founded the League of Militant Atheists (or Militant Godless) to intensify the persecution. Accordingly, personal expressions of religious faith were not in any way privately banned ; but a strong sense of social stigma was imposed on them by the official government structures and secular mass media. It was generally considered unacceptable for members of certain government professions (teachers, state bureaucrats, soldiers) to be openly religious and anti-secular.

Persecution of the canonical Church ; use of Renovationists to undermine the canonical Church

Metropolitan (Saint) Benjamin (Kazansky) of Petrograd was placed under house arrest on 29 May, and he was subsequently imprisoned after he had opposed efforts by Alexander Vvedensky to establish the Renovationist All-Russian Higher Church Administration as the new church government. More than imprisonment was to come.

In May, 1922, Patriarch Tikhon (Belavin) was put under house-arrest, and preparations were made for a Bolshevik-style "show trial".

Interference by the atheists in the functioning of the canonical Church

It was then that Archbishop Agathangel (Preobrazhensky) of Yaroslavl and Rostov, who had been designated by Patriarch Tikhon to take up the temporary administration, was delayed by the Soviets. At this time, a group of clergy seized control of the chancellory offices, and they proclaimed themselves to be the Higher Church Administration. They took as their leader the retired (1917) and suspended (1921) Bishop Antonin (Granovsky).

Difficulties encountered by the canonical bishops in the innovations being introduced

On 16 June, 1922, Metropolitan Sergiy (Stragorodsky), together with Archbishop Evdokim (Meschersky) of Nizhny Novgorod and Archbishop Seraphim (Mecheryakov) of Kostroma in the so-called “Memorandum of Three”, publicly recognised the Renovated Provisional Church Administration as the only canonical church authority. The statement read :

 We, Sergei, Metropolitan of Vladimir and Shuya, Evdokim, Archbishop of Nizhny Novgorod and 
 Arzamas and Seraphim, Archbishop of Kostroma and Galich, having examined the platform of the 
 Provisional Church Administration and the canonical legality of the Administration, declare that we 
 fully share the activities of the Provisional Church Administration ; we consider it to be the sole 
 canonical Church authority, and all orders emanating from it ; we consider it completely legal and 
 binding.  We urge you to follow our example of all true shepherds and believing sons of the Church, 
 both entrusted to us and other dioceses.  16 June, 1922.  

However, Metropolitan Sergiy, despite his recognition of the Renovated Church, indicated his intention to remember the name of Patriarch Tikhon in his diocese. From the "Review of the Political and Economic Situation of the RSFSR for June, 1922" compiled by the State Political Directorate (GPU), it says :

 In the Ivanovo-Voznesenskaya province, in connection with the dissemination of the [decree] of the 
 Vladimir Metropolitan about commemoration in the churches of Patriarch Tikhon, further work to renovate 
 the church slowed down.  

Ultimately, Metropolitan Sergiy was not able to support the reforms proposed by the “Living Church”. On 6-17 August, 1922, the All-Russian Assembly of the “White Clergy” (non-monastic clergy) and Laity of the “Living Church” was held in Moscow. At this assembly, a programme of reforms was adopted, such as :

 – Permission for monastics (including bishops) to marry, while retaining their episcopal and clerical ranks. 
 
 – Permission for the Clergy to marry after their ordination, to remarry or to marry widows. 
 
 – Permission for the married priests to be consecrated as bishops (Russian Orthodox tradition is 
 that only monastics may be bishops ; this is so for the whole Orthodox Church).

Metropolitan Sergiy opposed these decisions.

Protest against the innovations

On 25 August, 1922, he wrote to the All-Russian Central Executive Committee with a letter of protest against non-canonical innovations. He gave a list of canonical rules that the Renovationists violated by their decisions. He stated that in his diocese these innovations would not be accepted. However, the letter of Metropolitan Sergiy was ignored at the headquarters of the Renovationists. In his letter of 10 September, “Metropolitan” Antonin (Granovsky) wrote to Metropolitan Sergiy :

 Your appeal was not received by them nor was concealed.   It was not reported to the All-Russian 
 Central Council, and I did not know about it.  

During the night of 12-13 August, 1922, Metropolitan Benjamin (Kazansky) and those with him (Archimandrite Sergiy (Shein), Professor Yuriy Novitsky, and Lawyer Ivan Kovsharov) were executed in the eastern outskirts of Petrograd, at the Porokhov Station of the Irinovskaya Railway. These were amongst those who had refused to join with the “Renovationists”. Then there began greater difficulties in caring for the Canonical Church both in Petrograd and elsewhere.

Pressure against Patriarch Tikhon (Belavin) increases

During 1922-1923, the pressure by the Soviets against Patriarch Tikhon (Belavin) steadily increased. Already in May, 1922, the pressure was so great, and the restrictions on him were so tight, that he was actually unable to govern the Church. He was retired and sent to house-arrest confinement in the Donskoy Monastery. The “Locum Tenens”, Metropolitan Peter (Polyansky), was summoned to Moscow in order to assume authority. Patriarch Tikhon was constantly humiliated, and he was taken to the Lubyanka Prison for interrogations, and also for incarceration for periods of time. The Politburo itself decided to pronounce the death sentence on him. However, it was not carried out, because the people’s commissar for foreign affairs Georgi Chicherin convinced the Politburo that to murder the patriarch would not be useful to the soviet government. They understood that if they did do so, there would be strong economic consequences from abroad. Instead, they demanded a letter of repentance from him. In June, 1923, the patriarch made an official repentance for his “anti-Soviet acts”, and he declared himself detached from any and all political opposition to the government. He was then released.

Also, from May, 1922, Alexandr Vvedensky effectively became the leader of the Renovationists, although in 1922, “Archbishop” Antonin (Granovsky) was given the title “Metropolitan of Moscow and all Russia”. He relinquished this title in 1923.

Formal, public repentance of Metropolitan Sergiy (Stragorodsky) for his participation in Renovationism, 1923

In this context, a little more than a year after he had entered the schism, on 27 August, 1923, Metropolitan Sergiy (Stragorodsky) submitted to Patriarch Tikhon (Belavin) his formal repentance for his actions. Unlike the manner of repentance of other bishops, the Service of Repentance took place publicly, during the Divine Liturgy in the Donskoy Monastery on the Feast-day of the Dormition of the Mother of God.

On behalf of the Holy Synod of the Russian Orthodox Church, Patriarch Tikhon (Belavin) accepted the repentance publicly. He forgave him, and he admitted him again to the bosom of the Patriarchal Church.

Plan of the Donskoy Monastery, Moscow

After having repented and been accepted back to the Patriarchal Church, Metropolitan Sergiy continued to live in Moscow for some time. He communicated with members of the Synod, the Moscow clergy, and he received the blessing to begin to lead services.

On 18 March, 1924, Metropolitan Sergiy (Stragorodsky) was assigned by Metropolitan Peter (Polyansky), the Locum Tenens, to serve as the Metropolitan of Nizhny Novgorod.

Saint Alexander Nevsky Cathedral Nizhny Novgorod

Measures taken by the North American Diocese for self-preservation during the turmoil

In April, 1924, the 4th All-American Sobor of the "Metropolia" assembled in response to the chaos in Moscow, and the participants voted to establish "temporary self-government". This breaking of administrative ties with Moscow was for the sake of self-preservation of the Church in North America. It was not intended to be a break in communion, nor a permanent situation. The greater concern was the Soviet interference in the local Orthodox Church life in North America through the “Renovationist Church”.

Repose of Patriarch Tikhon, 1925

On the Feast-day of the Annunciation to the Theotokos, 25 March/7 April, 1925, Patriarch Tikhon (Belavin) fell asleep in the Lord.

On that day, Metropolitan Peter (Polyansky) resumed the responsibility of Locum Tenens. He understood, of course, that under the circumstances of the time, it was impossible to convene an assembly of the Church in order to elect a new Patriarch. He was also well aware of the danger that he would be arrested. As had Patriarch Tikhon, he gave 3 names of possible substitutes. On 10 December, 1925, Metropolitan Peter was, indeed, arrested.

Renovationist activities abroad (including North America) to seize properties

At this same time, the Renovationist Schism was, with the backing and support of the government, acquiring abroad what properties it could. One such example is the Cathedral of Saint Nicholas in New York City. One John Kedrovsky, formerly a priest of the North American Diocese, went to Moscow in 1923. The “Renovated Church” made him a “bishop”, and he returned to the USA as their agent and an agent of the USSR. He began a series of litigious actions against the legitimate Archbishop of New York (Archbishop Platon (Rozhdestvenskky)), in which he claimed to be the representative of the true owner, the Russian Orthodox Church. Ultimately, the courts accepted these arguments against the local North American Diocese. The rector, the Archpriest Leonid Turkevich and his family were expelled into the street. This dispute took decades to achieve a resolution.

Similar attempts were made to acquire properties in other parts of the continent as well.

Gregorian Schism, 1925

It had been a serious mistake of Metropolitan Sergiy (Stragorodsky) to fall into the trap of joining the Renovationist Schism, even though he repented soon thereafter. That he had made this mistake further undermined the confidence of many other bishops that he could be trusted. Furthermore, the Joint State Political Directorate (OGPU), under the direction of Evgeniy Tuchkov (head of the anti-church sixth secret department), used the situation to introduce another schism : the Gregorian Schism of Archbishop Gregory (Yatskovsky) of Sverdlovsk, that began in late 1925. The Gregorian Schismatics were concerned about achieving legal status for the Orthodox Church, and removing occasion for accusations about anti-Church activities on the part of the bishops, clergy, and Faithful. On 22 December, 1925, a meeting of 10 bishops took place in the Donskoy Moscow Monastery, which decided to form the All-Russian Provisional Supreme Church Council, chaired by Archbishop Gregory.

Deputy Patriarchal Locum Tenens, 1925

On 10 December, 1925, Metropolitan Sergiy (Stragorodsky) began to serve as the Deputy Patriarchal Locum Tenens for the Russian Orthodox Church. Metropolitan Peter (Polyansky) continued to serve as the official Locum Tenens, despite his incarceration.

When he learnt about the emergence of this new Gregorian entity by reading the “Izvestia” newspaper on 7 January, 1926, Metropolitan Sergiy entered into correspondence with Archbishop Gregory (Yatskovsky) in order to clarify the canonical foundations for the organisation of the All-Russian Provisional Supreme Church Council, and the nature of the relationship between the Council, the Orthodox hierarchy, and the Acting Patriarchal Locum Tenens. When he understood that there were no such grounds, and that the All-Russian Provisional Council was created in violation of several Church Canons, and after discussing the situation, the metropolitan and bishops arrived in Nizhny Novgorod.

Discipline imposed upon the schismatics

On 29 January, 1926, Metropolitan Sergiy and the bishops imposed deposition from the Holy Episcopate on Archbishop Gregory and all the bishops who took part in the organisation of the schismatic group. They were removed from the administration of their dioceses until they should repent, or be dealt with by an ecclesiastical court.

Nevertheless, "Archbishop" Gregory (Yatskovsky), together with "Archbishop" Konstantin (Bulychev) of Mogilev and "Bishop" Damian (Voskresensky) of Pereyaslav, attempted to use the authority of the imprisoned Metropolitan Peter (Polyansky) in order to gain credibility.

On 1 February, 1926, with the support of the Council of People's Commissars of the USSR (OGPU), they met with Metropolitan Peter, and they described the state of affairs, all the while hiding the discipline that had been imposed on them. They asked for Metropolitan Peter’s blessing on the activities of the All-Russian Provisional Council. Through a conditional resolution, Metropolitan Peter made some adjustments, but he did not bless the activities of the Provisional Council. Nevertheless, Archbishop Gregory presented the resolution as though it were an annulment of the authority of Metropolitan Sergiy and a transfer of the supreme Church authority to the Provisional Council. Once he understood the situation regarding "Archbishop" Gregory (through a letter dated 22 April, 1926, from Metropolitan Sergiy), Metropolitan Peter annulled his resolution and reaffirmed the authority of Metropolitan Sergiy. Then, in a letter dated 1 January, 1927, he condemned the activities of Archbishop Gregory and his cohorts as being schismatic.

In a supplementary note to the message, he described a meeting with Archbishop Gregory, who had visited him that month in the Sverdlovsk prison. At that time, Metropolitan Peter had informed Gregory that he was out of prayerful-canonical communion with him, and he urged the archbishop to obey the discipline. Instead of doing so, Archbishop Gregory persisted in the furthering of the schism up until his repose in 1932. He reposed without reconciling with the Russian Orthodox Church.

Metropolitan Sergiy's attempts to perpetuate the direction set by Patriarch Tikhon (Belavin)

Until this time, Metropolitan Sergiy was doing whatever might be possible in order to perpetuate the policies and direction that had been set by Patriarch Tikhon (Belavin) :

 Far from promising reconciliation with the irreconcilable, and from pretending to adapt our Faith 
 to Communism, we will remain from the religious point of view what we are, that is, members of the 
 Traditional Church.    

During this period, Metropolitan Sergiy was again incarcerated from 30 November, 1926, until 27 March, 1927, during which time he was unable to fulfil his responsibilities. It is not known to what Metropolitan Sergiy was subjected during these months, but the usual treatment was one of beating, physical torture, and psychological torture. Furthermore, overcrowding and filth, accompanied by lack of food and water exacerbated the effects.

Return to active service as Locum Tenens, 1927

On 27 March, 1927, Metropolitan Sergiy again took up the administration of the Russian Church as Deputy Patriarchal Locum Tenens.

In June, 1927, "Archbishop" Gregory (Yatskovsky) proposed that this Deputy be the Archbishop of Vereya, Hilarion (Troitsky), an authoritative person. He proposed that Vladyka Hilarion be brought specially to Moscow from the Solovetsky Special Purpose Camp, to head the All-Russian Provisional Supreme Church Council. He promised Vladyka Hilarion the rank of Metropolitan, but he received a decisive refusal from Vladyka Hilarion.

The legal establishment of the Interim Holy Synod removed the “raison d’être” of the members of the Gregorian Schism, although the schism did not come to an end immediately.

Declaration of Loyalty to the Soviet Union, 1927

Metropolitan Sergiy now sought ways by which he might convince Soviet authorities to stop the campaign of terror and persecution against the Church, and to find ways of peaceful reconciliation with the government. It is not without significance that the next major step took place 4 months after his release from prison.

On 29 July, 1927, he issued his famous “Declaration”, in which he professed the firm loyalty of the Russian Orthodox Church to the Soviet Union. This statement was not his alone : it was the statement of the bishops of the Interim Holy Synod which had been legally established with the permission of the state in May, 1927. Metropolitan Sergiy further stated that it had been the unfulfilled desire of Patriarch Tikhon to achieve legal status for the Orthodox Church under the new Soviet Union government. Regardless, although it may have been well-intended, the “Declaration” caused an immediate controversy amongst the Russian churchmen, both within the USSR and abroad. Many clerics (including many notable and respected bishops in prisons and exile) broke communion with Metropolitan Sergiy. Later, some of these bishops reconciled with the metropolitan ; but many continued in their opposition to the "official Church" until the election of Patriarch Alexei I (Simansky) in 1945.

One of the reasons why the reaction was so negative is the apparent change in stance of the metropolitan in his words. In the declaration, there was nothing about the clear and evident contradictions between the intentions and way of life of the Church and of the state. Instead of working to dissociate Church from the government, he now affirmed close co-operation.

 We wish to be Orthodox and at the same time to recognise the Soviet Union as our civil fatherland, 
 whose joys and successes are our joys and successes, and whose failures are our failures.  Every 
 blow directed against the Union [...] we regard as a blow directed against us.  

During the autumn of 1927, further confusion developed in Church life, partly related to the publication of the declaration of Metropolitan Sergiy. Archbishop Hilarion (Troitsky), distinguished by his great endurance and wisdom, and possessing a broad historical outlook, gathered in the cell of Archimandrite Theophanes a dozen and a half bishops, some of whom had begun to be tempted by the confusion that was taking place on the outside. He convinced the holy bishops not to go into schism under any circumstances. He said : “No split ! No matter what we are told, we will look at it as a provocation !”

On 9 September, 1927, the Synod of Bishops of the Russian Orthodox Church Outside Russia (ROCOR) in Karlovtsy, Serbia, presided over by Metropolitan Antony (Khrapovitsky), decreed a break of communion with ecclesiastical authorities in Moscow. This occurred after the bishops had categorically rejected a demand by Metropolitan Sergiy (Stragorodsky) that they declare loyalty to the Soviet authorities.

Also in 1927, Metropolitan Evlogiy (Georgievsky) of Paris separated from the ROCOR (along with Metropolitan Platon (Rozhdestvensky) of New York, the leader of the Russian Metropolia in North America) and both metropolitans were subsequently condemned by the ROCOR. This condemnation brought about a split in the Russian émigré community in Western Europe, and also in North America. However, Metropolitan Evlogiy perceived that because he had been appointed by the Patriarch of Moscow to his position, he and his flock were not in the same situation as the refugees who belonged to the Karlovtsy Synod.

Metropolitan Sergiy responded in 1928 by decreeing that Metropolitan Evlogiy (Georgievsky) had canonical authority in Western Europe, and that all the actions of the Karlovtsy Synod were uncanonical.

Despite the exhortation of Archbishop Hilarion (Troitsky), other divisions both within the Soviet Union and abroad were occurring. Archbishop Hilarion reposed in Christ in prison in 1929.

This period of turmoil and dogged endurance in Christ on the part of the canonical bishops set a pattern that would last for decades. The Church had been forced back into the "box" into which the Emperor Peter I had previously forced it in the course of his "Church reforms". The Church had been freed from that box by the 1917 revolution, and had experienced her freedom only briefly. While living in this box, those who were responsible for the Church were very frequently required (in the same manner as Metropolitan Sergiy) to make statements in support of the government which were contradictory to the manner in which Orthodox hierarchs and clergy would usually speak. Much later, when some clerics were asked about what to believe about the situation, it was suggested that outsiders look seriously at the situation of the Church in Russia in its subjection to the government, and to "read between the lines" of what is said. In fact, the Church did whatever was possible to convey whatever it could about life in the Soviet Union without appearing to disagree. The Grace of God upheld them all.

Metropolitan Sergiy, 1927

Schism of Josephism, 1927

Regardless, yet another schism, that of “Josephism” arose in Leningrad in late 1927. Its existence was in opposition to Metropolitan Sergiy, and its name was derived from Metropolitan Joseph (Petrov) of Leningrad. However, he is cited as having said that the main promoter of this movement had been Metropolitan Agafangel (Preobrazhensky) of Yaroslavl and Rostov.

In December, 1929, Metropolitan Sergiy received a letter of reprimand from Metropolitan Peter, who corrected him for exceeding his responsibilities. From 1930, the policy of Mr. J Stalin of collectivisation of farms (begun in earnest in 1928) caused a very large population disturbance and the influx to cities of former peasants. Other consequences soon followed. Included in this policy was Mr. Stalin’s determination to eradicate the kulaks (independent and usually prosperous farmers) as a class. Increased persecution of the Church was included in this policy, since its aim included the elimination of all opponents of the Soviet way. Religious believers, not being atheists, were by definition such opponents.

On 15 February, 1930, Metropolitan Sergiy gave an interview to representatives of the Soviet press, which was published the next day in “Izvestia”. In the interview, he stated :

 There has never been a persecution of religion in the USSR. [...] The repressions carried out 
 by the Soviet government against believers and clergymen are applied to them not for their religious 
 convictions, but in the general manner, as well as to other citizens for various anti-government acts.
 [...] Unfortunately, even to this day, some of us cannot understand that there is no return to the old days, 
 and they continue to behave like political opponents of the Soviet state.  

This statement indicated the nature of the subjugation under which the Church had to subsist and survive. In fact, the following decade included the heaviest-ever oppression against the Orthodox Church (in particular the years 1937 and 1938). The state used yet further tactics by which to control the Church and her dependencies abroad. As these entities abroad, such as the Russian Orthodox Greek Catholic Church in North America (“Metropolia”) continued to attempt to find ways in which to return to Eucharistic Communion with the Russian Orthodox Church, the state forced more conditions. One such condition was that the state demanded a pledge of loyalty to the government of the Soviet Union from the clergy (in particular of these entities abroad).

In 1930, after taking part in a prayer service in London, England, in supplication for Christians suffering under the Soviets, Metropolitan Evlogiy (Georgievsky) was removed from office by Metropolitan Sergiy (Stragorodsky). He was first replaced by Bishop Eleutherius (Bogoyavlensky). and then ultimately by Metropolitan Boris (Vik). However, most of Vladyka Evlogiy's parishes remained loyal to him, since they were generally against the Soviet government.

In 1931, Metropolitan Evlogiy and the diocese that remained under his omophor were received by Patriarch Photius II (Maniatis) of Constantinople, and the diocese became the Russian Exarchate of Western Europe of the Patriarchate of Constantinople (until 2019, when most of the exarchate parishes returned to the Moscow Patriarchate after the Patriarchate of Constantinople dissolved its Russian Exarchate).

Metropolitan Sergiy, 1930s

Famine of 1932-1933

In 1932 began the Famine of 1932-1933 during which it is estimated that on the territory of the USSR, a total of at least 11,000,000 persons perished (mostly from starvation). Ukraine and Kazakhia were particularly severely affected.

On 12 April, 1932, by Decree no. 60/b, Metropolitan Sergiy (Stragorodsky) was awarded the right to have the Holy Cross used in processions when he served liturgically. This is one of the usual indications that a bishop is the head of an autocephalous Orthodox Church, although this privilege is sometimes accorded to certain other metropolitans.

In 1932, Metropolitan Sergiy's title was adjusted to “Gorky and Arzamas”. This change occurred because the civil authorities in Moscow changed the name of "Nizhny Novgorod" to "Gorky" in that year (it remained so named until 1990).

Temporary Patriarchate Holy Synod 1933-1934

In March, 1933, Metropolitan Sergiy instructed Archbishop Benjamin (Fedchenkov), who was leaving for the USA, to clarify the position of Metropolitan Platon (Rozhdestvensky). The talks included a request that was received by Metropolitan Platon and his brother bishops from Metropolitan Sergiy that they all pledge “loyalty” to the Soviet government. Although the representatives of the patriarchate suggested that this “loyalty” could be expressed simply by refraining from engaging in anti-Soviet political activism, the bishops and membership of the “Metropolia” would not and could not accept the request. Therefore, Archbishop Benjamin had to confirm the refusal of Metropolitan Platon and the other bishops to submit to the Moscow hierarchy's demands (which were obviously made under duress).

In response, Metropolitan Sergiy and the Temporary Holy Synod with him, in a resolution of 6 August, 1933, treated the declaration of autonomy of the North American Diocese, initiated by Metropolitan Platon, as a gross violation of Church discipline and abolished it, as a canonically untenable action that brought division. They further decided to bring Metropolitan Platon and the bishops to trial with the prohibition of religious service, until repentance or until the ecclesiastical judicial decision about it. Furthermore, the Moscow Patriarchate declared Metropolitan Platon to be in schism, and deposed him "in absentia" (it was impossible that he travel o the USSR to be present before an ecclesiastical court).

Subsequently, the Russian Exarchate of North America was formed, whose bishop was regarded by the Russian Church at that time as being the rightful canonical successor of all Russian jurisdictions in North America. The first bishop from the USSR was assigned to serve in North America was Metropolitan Benjamin (Fedchenkov).

Metropolitan Sergiy formed the “Temporary Patriarchal Council” (later called the Holy Synod) which received recognition from the Soviet government.

On 27 April, 1934, the Members of the Winter Session of the Provisional Patriarchal Holy Synod of 1933-1934 decided to give to Metropolitan Sergiy the more elevated title “His Beatitude, Metropolitan of Moscow and Kolomna” (a title similar to that of the head of an autocephalous Orthodox Church). They also gave him the right to wear 2 panagias (one of the indications that a bishop is the head of an autocephalous Orthodox Church, although this award is occasionally given to other metropolitans).

By the mid-1930s, the Moscow Patriarchate had virtually lost the opportunity legally to publish on the territory of the USSR any documents or orders of a circular nature emanating from it. This was due to the fact that already in 1935, by the will of the civil authorities, the only published ecclesiastical journal of the patriarchate, the “Journal of the Moscow Patriarchate”, ceased to exist.

Despite Metropolitan Sergiy's pledges to the government that the Russian Orthodox Church would not interfere in secular affairs and would be loyal to the state, the state did not reciprocate. It may be said that they simply took, but they did not give. The arrests and executions of Orthodox clergy by the “GPU” (later the “NKVD” : “Peoples Commissariat for Internal Affairs”), destruction of Orthodox cathedrals, churches, icons, seminaries and so on were commonplace throughout the 1920s and 1930s. Before the beginning of the German-Soviet War, in the entire USSR, there remained only 4 bishops who were not imprisoned or exiled. Likewise, of the 50,000 Russian Orthodox priests in 1918, only 500 remained by 1935. More perished after this.

In the autumn of 1936, the Moscow Patriarchate received a message (as it turned out much later, false) about the death in prison on 11 September, 1936, of the Locum Tenens Metropolitan Peter (Polyansky) of Krutitsy (in fact, he was still alive until his execution in 1937).

On 27 December, 1936, the Patriarchate issued the “Act on the transfer of the rights and duties of the Locum Tenens of the Patriarchal Throne of the Orthodox Russian Church to the Deputy Patriarchal Locum Tenens, His Beatitude Metropolitan of Moscow and Kolomensky Sergiy (Stragorodsky)” ; a decree was also issued by the Moscow Patriarchate on the corresponding form of commemoration from 1 January, 1937, at the service of the Patriarchal Locum Tenens, Metropolitan Sergiy.

Great Purge, 1936-1940

In 1936, Mr. J Stalin instituted the “Great Purge“, which was implemented by the “NKVD“. Its institution was supposedly to rid the country of elements of opposition and resistance to the government’s policies. However, it is often attributed to symptoms of paranoia in Mr. Stalin. This purge included not only members of the Orthodox Church, but also significant persons amongst the intelligentsia and in the army. The effects were devastating on all concerned, including the infrastructure of the Soviet Union.

On 10 October, 1937, after the Chelyabinsk "NKVD" had condemned him, Metropolitan Peter (Polyansky) was shot in Magnitogorsk. His body was interred there. The metropolitan was one of the many victims of the purge, and Metropolitan Sergiy was unaware of the shooting for a long time. Very soon came another death, about which he was also kept unaware for some time.

Bereavement, 1937

On 4 November, 1937 (along with several clergy, monks and nuns), the sister of Metropolitan Sergiy, Matushka Aleksandra Arkhangelsky, was shot in Arzamas.

Alexandra Nikolaevna Stragorodskaya was 5 years older than her brother, and she had been married to Evgeny Arkhangelsky in 1883 (while her brother was yet a student). Her husband was ordained in 1886, and they served together in Arzamas. In 1913, after the repose of her father, Archpriest Nikolai Stragorodsky, Father Evgeny succeeded Father Nikolai as the priest at the Alekseevsky Monastery. When he reposed after the 1917 Soviet Revolution, Matushka Aleksandra lived alone (although she cared for others despite her own penury). Matushka Aleksandra was accused of "anti-soviet activity", as were various clergy and monastics of the area. The "NKVD" organised their martyrdom to occur on 4 November, 1937, the anniversary of the Bolshevik revolution.

Matushka Aleksandra, about 1900 Matushka Aleksandra, 1937

From the time of the revolution itself, the news of every closed Temple, every ruined monastery, every imprisoned or shot cleric or monastic left deep wounds in the soul of the compassionate archpastor, Metropolitan Sergiy. The pain felt upon hearing the news of his sister's murder was much sharper yet.

Slight easing of the repression, 1938

In August, 1938, Lavrenty Beria was appointed the head of the "NKVD", and from then the intensity of the repressions and persecution eased somewhat. Some people were released from prison. Arrests, however, continued until the death of Mr. Stalin in 1953.

What Mr. Stalin had forgotten and did not take into account was the fact that as he exterminated the multitudes of Orthodox Christian bishops, clergy, monastics and Faithful, he was creating martyrs. The Faithful who remained alive knew well what was a martyr, and they would instantly turn to them from the beginning, as they did with the Priest-martyr Saint John Kochurov in 1918. This continued on. Furthermore, Mr. Stalin also forgot that those who were thus killed because they were Orthodox Christian believers would be constantly interceding for those who were left behind and suffering. It is not for nothing that the saying of Q S F Tertullian is often cited : “The blood of the Martyrs is the seed of the Church”.

Unexpected change in the opinion of the communist state, 1938

After the Great Terror of 1937-1938, there was a sudden change. In 1938, the Communist Party declared that the Orthodox Christian Faithful were also loyal Soviet citizens. Then, in a reversal of Bolshevist dogma, the party and the Soviet Academy of Sciences stated that the Church had provided a “progressive role” in Russian history.

Nevertheless, in the summer of 1939, only 4 full-time (remaining registered as a “minister of worship”) bishops, including the Patriarchal Locum Tenens, were left active from amongst the episcopate of the Patriarchal Church : also Metropolitan Alexei (Simansky) of Leningrad, Archbishop Nikolai (Yarushevich) of Peterhof, Archbishop Sergiy (Voskresensky) of Dmitrov ; 10 more surviving bishops of the Patriarchate were retired or performed Dvine Services as rectors of parishes.

Changes in administration during World War II

With the expansion of the territory of the USSR in the autumn of 1939 through the summer of 1940, Metropolitan Sergiy was given the opportunity to "reunite" the bishops of Constantinopolitan, Romanian and Polish jurisdictions who found themselves within the USSR, and therefore on the territory of the Moscow Patriarchate. For the first time since 1936, hierarchal ordinations were performed. However, at the same time, the number of full-time bishops actually decreased in the “contiguous” part of the USSR territory. Archbishop Nikolai (Yarushevich) was sent to Western Ukraine (Lutsk) ; Archbishop Sergiy (Voskresensky) was sent to the Baltic states (Vilnius).

Then, in 1941, Emelian Yaroslavskiy, the head of the League of the Militant Godless, criticised those who still regarded the millions of Orthodox Christian believers as being superstitious fools.

World War II (1939-1945), Great Patriotic War (1941-1945)

In the course of World War II (1939-1945), during the “Great Patriotic War” (1941-1945) (called in the West the "Eastern Front" or the "Nazi German-Soviet War"), on 22 June, 1941, on the first day of the Great Patriotic War, Metropolitan Sergiy learnt about the invasion by the Nazi Germans.

Even before the first military appeal to the people of J V Stalin, Vladyka Sergiy delivered a "Message to the Shepherds and Flocks of the Orthodox Church of Christ", which was sent to all parishes on the same day. In a brief fiery message, the archpastor wrote :

 The fascist robbers attacked our homeland.  Flouting all sorts of contracts and promises, they 
 suddenly fell upon us, and now the blood of civilians is already irrigating our native land. The times 
 of Batu, German knights, Charles of Sweden, Napoleon are repeated. The miserable descendants 
 of the enemies of Orthodox Christianity want once again to try to bring our people to their knees 
 before untruth, to force them to sacrifice the blessing and integrity of their homeland, the blood 
 covenants of love for their country.  
 
 But this is not the first time that the Russian people have to endure such tests.  With God's help, 
 this time they will scatter the fascist enemy power to dust.  In a worse situation, our ancestors did not 
 lose heart because they remembered not their personal dangers and benefits, but their sacred duty 
 to their homeland and Faith, and emerged victorious.  Let us not shame their glorious name.  We are 
 Orthodox, dear to them both according to the flesh and Faith.  [...]  The Church of Christ blesses all 
 Orthodox to defend the sacred borders of our homeland. 
 May the Lord grant us victory.

On 26 June, in the Epiphany Cathedral in Moscow, Metropolitan Sergiy served a moleben "On the Granting of Victory". Since that time, similar prayers began to take place in all the Temples of the Moscow Patriarchate, according to specially composed texts : “A Prayer Service on the Invasion of Adversaries, Chanted in the Russian Orthodox Church during World War II”.

According to an article by Kerry R Bolton,

 At the same time [in June] Metropolitan Elias Karam of Lebanon was 
 also praying for three days about the fate of Russia. He sent a telegram to 
 Stalin, asking that for Russia to be saved, the Kremlin churches must be 
 opened, and that a procession of the Cross should carry the Kazan Icon 
 of the Mother of God, the holiest Icon of the Russian Orthodox Church. 
 The Icon was carried around Leningrad and Moscow, was with the 
 Russian troops at Stalingrad, and a prayer service was held prior to the 
 battle. The Icon was taken to all the crucial points of the frontline : the 
 priests carrying the Icon led the troops under intense fire.  The presence 
 of the Icon had an intense impact on the troops, even on the skeptics. 

On 7 October, 1941, when the Soviet defence was defeated by the Wehrmacht during the initial stage of Operation Typhoon, the Moscow City Council (Duma) decided to “propose that the Moscow Patriarchate administration leave Moscow temporarily”. Metropolitan Sergiy was to leave for Chkalov (now Orenburg). The departure took place on the evening of 14 October. On the train, during the night of 15-16 October, the state of health of Metropolitan Sergiy sharply worsened. During a stop in Penza, he was examined by doctors. An order was received from Moscow to change the route. At the request of the Patriarchal Locum Tenens, the carriage was sent to Ulyanovsk instead of Chkalov (Orenburg). Here, he remained in “exile”.

On 5 January, 1943, Metropolitan Sergiy sent a telegram to Mr. Stalin, requesting that an account be opened for the collection of donations by the Church to help the soldiers. J V Stalin responded positively to the request of Metropolitan Sergiy. A response telegram from Mr. Stalin was printed in the Soviet press with a request to convey greetings and thanks from the Red Army to the clergy of the Russian Orthodox Church. An account was opened, and thus, for the first time since 1918, the Church was recognised with the rights of a legal entity as a centralised structure. He was able to return to Moscow only in August, 1943.

Revival of the Church of Russia, 1943

On 4 September, 1943, Metropolitan Sergiy and 2 other metropolitans were summoned to the Kremlin to meet with Mr. Stalin. The meeting was also attended by Vyacheslav Molotov and Georgiy Karpov, Colonel of the "NKVD" (later "NKGB", the "Commissariat for Sate Security"), the future chairman of the Council for Russian Orthodox Church Affairs. Mr. Stalin told them that he had decided to restore the patriarchate, to reopen churches and seminaries, and resume the publication of “The Journal of the Moscow Patriarchate”. It is said that J V Stalin reminisced at length about his time at seminary.

At the invitation of Mr. Stalin, the metropolitans expressed their wishes, including the holding of the Council and the election of the patriarch. Mr. Stalin assured that the government of the USSR would render all possible assistance. The next day, 5 September, in the newspaper "Izvestia", a message was published :

 [...] During the conversation, Metropolitan Sergiy informed the Chairman of the 
 Council of People's Commissars that in the leading circles of the Russian Orthodox Church 
 there is an intention to convene a Council of Bishops in the near future to elect the 
 Patriarch of Moscow and All Russia and to form the Holy Synod under the Patriarch.  
 The head of government, comrade J V Stalin was sympathetic to these assumptions and he 
 stated that there would be no obstacles to this from the government.  

As for his intentions to restore the patriarchate and Temples, he said to Metropolitan Sergiy, “Your Grace, that’s all I can do for you now”.

However, at that same meeting, Mr. Stalin indicated that Metropolitan Sergiy would be provided with a building to house the patriarchal offices in Moscow. This building, which had served as the German Embassy after World War I, was located at #5, Clean Lane. The building and its contents were transferred to the Church on 5 September, 1943.

The Church once again had a public presence, and She passed measures reaffirming their hierarchical structure that flatly contradicted the 1929 legislation, and also the 1918 decree of V Lenin. However, the official legislation was never withdrawn, and this is perceived by some as an indication that the authorities did not consider that this tolerance would become permanent.

House Number 5, Clean Lane, Moscow

This meeting had opened the door for the election of Metropolitan Sergiy to become the Patriarch of Moscow.

Metropolitan Sergiy, 1943

Patriarch, 1943

On 8 September, 1943, in the new building of the Moscow Patriarchate (in the former residence of the German ambassador, in the mansion at "Chisty Pereulok" (Clean Lane, House no. 5), a meeting of the Holy Synod of Bishops was held, in which 19 hierarchs participated. They unanimously elected the Patriarchal Locum Tenens, Metropolitan Sergiy (Stragorodsky) of Moscow and Kolomna to become Patriarch of Moscow and All Russia.

On 12 September, 1943, the newly-elected Patriarch was installed in the Cathedral of the Epiphany in Yelokhov, Moscow, by the Holy Synod of Bishops and other bishops of the Moscow Patriarch.

Holy Epiphany Cathedral, Yelokhovo, Moscow

On 20 September, 1943, for the first time, foreign guests were received at the Patriarchal Residence in Chisty Lane. A delegation of the Church of England arrived, led by Archbishop Cyril Forster Garbett of York, England.

On 5 November, 1943, Renovationist Archbishop Mikhail (Postnikov) repented in the meeting-room of the Holy Synod. Following him, other renovationist bishops began to repent. Generally, such repentances took place in the meeting-room of the Holy Synod.

Patriarchal service

In December, 1943, Patriarch Sergiy was featured by "Time" Magazine in December, with a cover-picture, and an article.

27 December, 1943, "Time" Magazine cover

After the enthronement, Patriarch Sergiy said :

 I am, in my position, as though nothing had changed with the receipt of the Patriarchal rank. 
 In fact, for 17 years now I have been the patriarch. It only seems in appearance that there is a change, 
 but in fact, the reality was far from it.  In the rank of Patriarchal Locum Tenens, I felt temporary and not 
 so much afraid about possible mistakes.  The patriarch will be elected, I thought, and he will correct 
 the mistakes made.  Now, when I am vested with the high rank of patriarch, it is no longer possible 
 to say that someone else will correct the mistakes and do the unfinished work, but you need to do it 
 yourself, unerringly, in God's truth, and lead people to eternal salvation. [...] 

On 27 October, 1943, Patriarch Sergiy sent Mr. G Karpov a petition for amnesty for 25 bishops and the Hieromonk Theophan (Adamenko), whom he "wished to involve in Church work". By that time, only Bishop Nikolai (Mogilevsky) remained alive from the whole list, while the rest had already been shot or had died in the camps.

Published in the "Journal of the Moscow Patriarchate", his article “Does Christ have a Viceroy in the Church ?” caused a stir in Catholic and political circles of the West because of its anti-papal content ("viceroy" refers to the claim of Popes of Rome to be the Vicar of Christ on earth).

Some are of the opinion that even with these changes Mr. Stalin was simply using the Church to further his own aims. However, in the context of all these events, it would nevertheless be a mistake to suggest that the Russian Orthodox Church was merely a pawn on J V Stalin’s chessboard.

By this time, the full-time episcopate of the Patriarchal Church (without the occupied territories) already numbered 18 bishops.

In November, 1943, the Council of People’s Commissars adopted Decree no. 1325, “On the Procedure for Opening Churches'”.

In 1944, 206 Temples were re-opened.

However, the health of the patriarch had already been fragile for some time.

Stress for the patriarch was increased by the news of the bombing of Belgrade in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia on 16 April, 1944, on the Feast of Pascha. Very many civilians had been killed.

Repose, 1944

On 15 May, 1944, Patriarch Sergiy (Stragorodsky) woke up at 6:00 a.m. ; but at 6:50 a.m., when his cell-attendant (“kellenik”), Archimandrite John (Razumov) entered the bedroom, he found that the patriarch had in the meantime fallen asleep in the Lord. The doctor determined that the death was caused by a brain haemorrhage.

At 8:00 a.m., Metropolitan Nikolay (Yarushevich) of Krutitsy arrived in the patriarchate’s residence and he performed the first Litia for the Departed at the bedside of the reposed patriarch. At 9:30 a.m., members of the Holy Synod, together with Mr. G G Karpov went to the patriarch’s office and inspected the desk. They found a sealed envelope with the personal will and testament sealed by Patriarch Sergiy, and they opened it. The will had been drawn up at the beginning of the Great Patriotic War. In accordance with the will of the deceased High-Priest (Hierarch), the Holy Synod approved Metropolitan Alexei (Simansky) of Leningrad to serve as Locum Tenens of the Patriarchal Throne.

Meanwhile, the clergy dressed the deceased in full patriarchal vestments. They laid him in a coffin, which they installed in the narthex in front of the open doors of the house chapel. The hierarchs, led by the Patriarchal Locum Tenens, Metropolitan Alexei (Simansky) of Leningrad and Novgorod, performed a memorial service ("panikhida") in the chapel.

By that time, believing Muscovites began to fill the halls of the residence of the Moscow Patriarchate. Representatives of parishes with their clergy arrived in separate groups ; priests did not interrupt the reading of the Holy Gospels at the bier, and memorial services (“panikhidas”) followed one after another as long as the coffin remained in the patriarchal headquarters.

On 16 May, the body of Patriarch Sergiy (Stragorodsky) was transported to the Epiphany Cathedral in Moscow. There, further memorial services were offered, and the Holy Gospels continued to be read by the coffin on its bier.

On 17-18 May, 1944, the Funeral Services for the Burial of a Hierarch were offered in the Holy Epiphany Cathedral in Moscow for the newly-reposed Patriarch Sergiy (Stragorodsky). The services were led by Metropolitan Alexei (Simansky) of Leningrad. Metropolitan Nikolai (Yarushevich), 8 archbishops and bishops, Archimandrite John (Razumov), and a host of clergy served with them.

Thousands of Orthodox people flocked to the cathedral to participate in the funeral. The Temple was filled with those who came to mourn for and to pray for the late patriarch. The people blocked all the spaces adjacent to the cathedral.

At the funeral, 1944

At the conclusion of the services, the body of Patriarch Sergiy was interred in the Nikolsky side-chapel of the Epiphany Cathedral.

— Bishop of Yamburg 1901-1905. Preceded by : Bishop Boris (Plotnikov). Succeeded by : Biishop Sergiy (Tikhomirov).

— Vicar-Bishop of the Saint Petersburg Diocese 1901-1905.

— Archbishop of Finland and Vyborg 1905-1917. Preceded by : Archbishop Nicholas (Nailimov) Succeeded by : Archbishop Seraphim (Lukyanov).

— Metropolitan of Vladimir and Shuya 1917-1922. Preceded by : Archbishop Alexei (Dorodnitsyn). Succeeded by : Bishop Korneliy (Sobolev).

— Metropolitan of Nizhy Novgorod and Arzamas 1924-1932. Preceded by : Metropolitan Evdokim (Meschersky). Succeeded by : Title changed.

— Metropolitan of Gorky and Arzamas 1932-1943. Preceded by : Title changed. Succeeded by : Metropolitan Eugene (Zernov).

— Patriarch of Moscow 1943-1944. Preceded by : Patriarch Tikhon (Belavin). Succeeded by : Patriarch Alexei I (Simansky).

Patriarch Sergiy, 1944

150th anniversary commemoration in Arzamas, 2017

In 2017, when the 150th anniversary of the birth of Patriarch Sergius was celebrated in Russia, a monument to Patriarch Sergiy (Stragorodsky) was erected in his homeland, in Arzamas. On 13 August, 2017, its grand opening took place. The rite of the sanctification of the monument was performed by Patriarch Kirill (Gundyaev) of Moscow and All Russia. The monument was installed in the centre of the city, on the square, which bears the name of Patriarch Sergiy. It is situated opposite the Temple of the Annunciation, near the walls of the Spaso-Preobrazhensky Monastery.

In Arzamas, in the Museum of the Russian Patriarchate, there is an exposition dedicated to this famous citizen. Actually, the museum began with the design of the halls dedicated to Patriarch Sergiy. Amongst the exhibits are personal belongings of Patriarch Sergiy : liturgical vestments (epitrachelion, sakkos, great omophor) ; Cross and Panagia by Fabergé ; an antimension signed "Humble Sergiy, Metropolitan of Nizhny Novgorod" (1929) ; bishop's staff (19th century), and other items.

155th anniversary commemoration in Nizhny-Novgorod, 2021

On 31 August, 2021, a plaque with the image of Patriarch Sergiy (Stragorodsky) of Moscow and All Russia was unveiled on the Minin and Pozharsky Square in Nizhny Novgorod. It was installed on the historic building of the Nizhny Novgorod Theological Seminary (NDS), which is now one of the buildings of the Nizhny Novgorod State Paedagogical University (NGPU) named after Kuzma Minin.

Memorial Plaque, Nizhny Novgorod

The event was timed to coincide with the celebration of the 300th anniversary of the theological school, which was celebrated in 2021. His Holiness Patriarch Sergiy studied at this theological school from 1880 to 1886.

Reflections

As is usually the case with patriarchs and other heads of local Churches, there is criticism (often politicised) of their behaviours and decisions by those within the Church who disagree with them about one or another matter, and by those outside the Church who have a different perception of the world and of situations. An assessment of such a person cannot be limited to one or even several matters. Rather, it must consider the whole of the person's life and service. For an Orthodox Christian, a main criterion in discernment (or “litmus test”) is the Dominical saying : “By their fruits you will know them”.

 ‘Beware of false prophets, who come to you in sheep’s clothing, but inwardly 
 they are ravenous wolves.  You will know them by their fruits. Do men 
 gather grapes from thornbushes or figs from thistles?  Even so, every good 
 tree bears good fruit, but a bad tree bears bad fruit.  A good tree cannot 
 bear bad fruit, nor can a bad tree bear good fruit.  Every tree that does 
 not bear good fruit is cut down and thrown into the fire.  Therefore by 
 their fruits you will know them’ (Matthew 7:15-20). 

Comment by Olga Rozhdneva, 2017

 His Holiness Sergius (Stragorodsky, 1867-1944), Patriarch of Moscow and All Russia, only held 
 the rank of patriarch for the last few months of his episcopal ministry.  But as Patriarchal 
 Locum Tenens, he ruled the Russian Church for almost eighteen years.  A fighter for the 
 preservation of the Church in an era of the most severe persecution, an outstanding personality, 
 an ascetic and a man of prayer, a true pastor, he was also the greatest scholar in theology, 
 Church history and philosophy, a missionary, a Church writer, an expert in new and ancient 
 languages, and an author of liturgical texts. 

Review of primatial service

The first years following the beginning of Metropolitan Sergiy's primatial responsibilities were years of great disagreement between and amongst hierarchs, strong hesitation, uncertainties, and schisms. The hierarchs, clergy, and people were not immune to one of the hallmarks of Soviet life : mistrust/suspicion of others. It was a temptation that was deliberately sown. Not everyone recognised Metropolitan Sergiy as the legitimate head of the Church from the very moment he accepted the responsibility, and many separated from him in subsequent years, especially after the declaration he issued on 29 July, 1927.

His own mistake, a temporary falling away into the renovationist schism, played a considerable role in these events, as it shook the confidence in him in the minds of the hierarchs and of the ordinary clergy.

Furthermore, it was this schism which the Patriarchate of Constantinople had recognised as the legitimate Church of Russia, already in the time of his predecessor Patriarch Saint Tikhon (Belavin). All the Constantinopolitan patriarchs persisted in this recognition for the rest of his life. It was not until his successor as patriarch that Constantinople changed her attitude.

The Soviet (and part of the post-Soviet) Russian historians generally assessed the 1927 Declaration of Metropolitan Sergiy positively. The historians A L Khudoborodov and M A Yashin, on the contrary, negatively evaluated the actions of Vladyka Sergiy :

 In our opinion, the position and actions of Metropolitan Sergiy had rather serious 
 consequences for the Russian Orthodox Church.  In fact, with the tacit consent of Metropolitan 
 Sergiy in the 1930s, the greatest wave of repressions against the priests and laity of the Russian 
 Orthodox Church passed, and after the murder of the legitimate patriarchal locum tenens Peter 
 (Polyansky), Metropolitan Sergiy later succeeded in becoming a patriarch. The unjustified 
 concessions of Metropolitan Sergiy (Stragorodsky) to the atheist state ultimately damaged the 
 Orthodox religion and the Church in our country.  

There are others who criticise Patriarch Sergiy much more negatively and harshly than this, and many condemn him. However, Metropolitan Kallistos (Ware), in his book "The Orthodox Church" (p. 144), had this to say :

 In a time of religious persecution the underlying principles are usually clear-cut, but the practical course 
 of action which each believer ought to follow is often not clear-cut at all.  How far could bishops, priests 
 and laity go in co-operating with a regime that was openly dedicated to the overthrow of religion ?  Russian 
 Orthodox Christians in the years 1917-1988 have answered this crucial question in many conflicting ways.  
 Persons in the west, who have never lived under persecution, need to be highly circumspect in passing any moral 
 judgement on the actions of those within Russia.  

The Gregorian schism, which arose earlier than the other schisms of this period, which had a legal governing body registered by civil authority, relied on this advantage until the time when the Provisional Patriarchal Synod was registered and thereby removed the advantage of this party. Then the Leningrad schism of Josephism arose, which captivated a small number of bishops, priests, and people.

The separation of the Yaroslavl group, headed by Metropolitan Agafangel (Preobrazhensky), was short-lived, but it was nevertheless painful.

Metropolitan Kirill (Smirnov) of Kazan, respected by all, and formerly the first candidate for the post of Patriarchal Locum Tenens, ceased communication with Metropolitan Sergiy when in 1926 there was an attempt to elect a patriarch. He was removed by the Soviet authorities, imprisoned, and eventually shot by them. Other persons and groups, smaller in the number of hierarchs participating (Victorian schism, Danilov and Mechev groups, and others), also departed this life. The so-called "Catecomb Church" schism also began. This schism was not literally "underground", but it was both hidden and secret. They tried to imitate the behaviour of Christians who were persecuted in the earliest Christian times.

The most moderate part of the opposition continued to recognise Metropolitan Sergiy as the legitimate head of the Church, albeit with great bitterness of heart, because some of his actions and orders were considered to be incorrect.

The splitters (schismatics), to varying degrees, were moving away from Metropolitan Sergiy and the Church he led. The most extreme of them went so far as to consider the actions of Metropolitan Sergiy as a betrayal of Orthodoxy : that he was a forerunner to the Antichrist, that prayerful communion with him and his supporters was a sin, and that the sacraments performed by him and his associates were without Grace.

It is understandable that these schisms and harsh denunciations of letters written to Metropolitan Sergiy by bishops dissatisfied with him had a detrimental effect on his spiritual and psychological condition. This severity was further exacerbated by the fact that amongst the departing bishops there were good shepherds, who proved to be the most persistent during the struggle against Renovationism ; there were respected hierarchs, some of whom were personally close and dear to Metropolitan Sergiy.

Nevertheless. of those who remained faithful to him as the legitimate head of the Church, many condemned his actions and speeches ; but they said that this was his personal sin, for which he himself would be held accountable to the Lord. They emphasised that he did not preach any heresy, so there was no justification for breaking communication with him.

With regard to the hierarchs who had separated from communion with the Deputy Patriarchal Locum Tenens, Metropolitan Sergiy followed this method : first, he wrote to them ; then he exhorted them, and he asked them to abandon the mistaken path they had taken. He reminded them about the great harm to the Church caused by schisms. If neither exhortation nor warning had effect, then a session of the Synod was convened and a decision was made to deprive the splitter of his diocese and to depose him from the exercise of the Holy Episcopate.

Many of the exhortations from Metropolitan Sergiy were imbued with deep feeling, such as his letter to Metropolitan Agafangel (Preobrazhensky), in which the exhortant writes :

 Already, you and I have come to the point where only one thing remains : to give an answer at the 
 Judgement Seat of Christ.  In the name of our common hope, and for the good of the holy Church, I 
 ask you and pray that you do not break off communication with us.  Do not go over to the side of our 
 enemies.

In about 1933, Archbishop Philip (Gumilevsky) was travelling from the northern camps to the Vladimir Link in Moscow ; he went into the office of Metropolitan Sergiy in Bauman Lane, and he hoped to see Vladyka Metropolitan. However, he was away. Then Archbishop Philip left Metropolitan Sergiy a letter which contained the following lines : "Dear Vladyka, when I think of you standing at night prayers, I think of you as a holy righteous man ; when I reflect on your daily activities, I think of you as a holy martyr [...]". The next day, Metropolitan Sergiy read the letter, pressed it to his chest with dismay, and he said : "With such a letter, it is not scary to appear at the Last Judgement". Then he sent a copy of the letter to Archpriest Sergiy Lebedev in which he said: "Hang on, Seryozha, in my personal affair. They will judge me a lot, even if someone reads these kind words". Later, Father Sergiy, who deeply respected and loved both the author of the letter and the addressee, told his relatives about this.

It seems to be evident that when Metropolitan Sergiy received the letter from Archbishop Philip (Gumilevsky), he was himself feeling some doubt about his choices as a result of the reactions of many. However, this letter seemed to be an inspired indication that he was doing the only things that were possible to do under the circumstances, and that the Lord was encouraging him to persevere in love and trust for Him.

Patriarch Sergiy’s humble acceptance of the Providence of God, his gift of reasoning and a clear conscience before God supported his strength ; and hope did not shame : after 18 years as the leader of the Church’s administration, when he saw the restored Temples, and the opening of monasteries and seminaries, he rested peacefully in the Lord during the season of Holy Pascha.

At the funeral service of Patriarch Sergiy, the Archpriest Nikolai Kochitsky, rector of the cathedral, said : “For him, the road was the True Church. He lived only for the Church, for its sake”.

At the bier, before the funeral service, Metropolitan Alexei (Simansky) said :

 In the throes of deep and serious grief, we stand at the bier of our Holy Father and Patriarch, and we
 escort his spirit ‘to the path of the whole earth’. [...] The Orthodox Church mourns for the loss of him ! 
 He belongs to all the Church of God.  From a very young age, he gave Her all his strength, all his 
 talents and he was faithful in this service. [...] When the Providence of God placed him at the head of 
 the Orthodox Russian flock, then his pastoral talents were revealed fully ; and truly, he became a wise 
 Father.  He fed the pastors and archpastors themselves. [...] For a short time, the Lord charged him to 
 accept the high responsibility of the Patriarch of Moscow and All Russia.  

Archbishop Saint Luke (Voino-Yesenetsky) wrote about the departed patriarch :

 High-ranking people are often characterised by majesty, self-esteem and superiority, unevenness in 
 dealing with people.  No-one saw a shadow of these negative qualities in the deceased great Hierarch, 
 always recognising himself as a servant of God and therefore full of humility.  We know that such bright 
 and good qualities of the spirit are acquired only by great feats of service to God and by relentless 
 prayer that has come with necessity.  The now departed patriarch offered faithful and great service to God 
 and to the glory of the Church of Christ throughout his long life.  Diligently, he drew the Grace of God 
 in long and frequent prayers, worship, and sacraments. 
 
 With such bright moral qualities, the holy one shone with an exceptionally large and clear mind, 
 enlightened by deep theological scholarship.  His memorable knowledge of the canons and history of 
 the Church, his vast answers to his opponents, who disputed his rights to locum tenure of the 
 Patriarchal throne, are unforgettable.  It was said about him already at the 1918 Sobor that he seemed
 to be some 'arshins' (1 arshin=28 inches) underground [i.e. dead to the world]. 

The well-known theologian and historian of the Church Vladimir Nikolayevich Lossky (Paris, France), an admirer of Patriarch Sergiy, wrote :

 Until the end of time, the Church will retain the memory of the great saint, along with other names 
 that every Christian knows.  When Saint Basil the Great reposed, his friend and colleague, Saint
 Gregory the Theologian could say : ‘Everything was great in you, O great Basil ; only one thing was 
 lacking : you were the Bishop of Caesarea for only 8 years’.  The same can be said about the late head of the 
 Russian Church. Everything was great in the life of the great Sergiy, who in just the last few months 
 of his episcopal service carried the rank of Patriarch of Moscow and All Russia.  But as the Patriarchal 
 Locum Tenens, he led the Russian Church for almost 18 years.  
 
 The old world, the world of Byzantine traditions dating back to Constantine the Great, that world that 
 seemed to be the many worlds of Christianity itself, suddenly collapsed to the ground, and in its place 
 a new world arose, outside of Christianity, but not outside of God's will, which determines historical 
 destinies.  To lead Church life in such exceptional conditions, in Moscow, the capital of a new state, in 
 the centre of a new world under construction, it was necessary to have an unshakeable faith in the God-
 established Church. 
 
 The unexpected death of His Holiness Patriarch Sergiy, who left a huge spiritual legacy, made many 
 feel that the Church lost its outstanding personality, the hierarchical structure of which was restored 
 by the late First Hierarch.

Metropolitan Sergiy (Tikhomirov), an old friend and admirer of Patriarch Sergiy, telegraphed from Tokyo. “Theological science has lost an outstanding scholar”.

In 1948, a white marble tombstone crowned with an Orthodox Cross was erected over the grave of Patriarch Sergiy. It was the last and penitential work of the famous architect academician Alexei Shchusev.

On 25 September, 2007, in Arzamas, in the square named after Patriarch Sergiy, the sanctification and laying of a stone at the base of the monument to Patriarch Sergiy of Moscow and All Russia took place.

On 20 May, 2015, Patriarch Kirill (Gundyaev) of Moscow and All Russia blessed a stele in Ulyanovsk in memory of Patriarch Sergiy. It was installed at the place where the wooden church was located, at the place where the evacuated Moscow Patriarchate Locum Tenens who was transferred at the end of 1941 had a residence. This Temple had been dedicated as the temporary Patriarchal Kazan Cathedral (demolished in 1959).

On 13 August, 2017, in Arzamas, during the celebration of the 150th anniversary of the birth of Patriarch Sergiy, Patriarch Kirill (Gundyaev) served a Divine Liturgy and unveiled a monument to Patriarch Sergiy.

Patriarch Kirill (Gundyaev) of Moscow and All Russia, one of his successors, said about Patriarch Sergiy :

 It is impossible to measure the whole scale of the personality of His Holiness Patriarch Sergiy. He 
 did not give the godless authorities an excuse to destroy the Church and wipe them off the face of 
 the earth, citing political reasons.  Although in the 30s, terrible persecutions began, associated 
 with the closure of most of the Temples remaining at that time, with the destruction of almost the 
 entire episcopate and clergy, nevertheless, the core of the Church was preserved [...].  We reached 
 the 90s, when the position of the Church in our country changed [for the good].  We remained very 
 hard-pressed.  We were all criticised - both by our own and by those outside.  No-one considered it 
 possible to revive the Russian Church, especially those who entered our country as some crusaders 
 in the early 90s, who wanted to eradicate the remains of the Orthodox Faith and to convert our people 
 to a different faith.  But they were mistaken, because the humble service of the Church, which was 
 made possible thanks to the feat of life of His Holiness Sergiy, led to the emergence of a new 
 generation of the episcopate, the clergy, capable of protecting the Church and strengthening the 
 Faith of Christ.  There would have been nothing of this, there would have been no ministers of my 
 next generation, if Patriarch Sergiy, having given up his authority, had not done what he had done, 
 stopping the hand of the persecutors.  
 
 Around such personalities as Patriarch Sergiy, they will never stop arguing and trying to prove 
 something, because always, such disputes have ideological connotations.  The humble Patriarch Sergiy 
 could not reveal the full historical truth, as it were, but he offered his example as an influence 
 on his followers, on the whole Russian Orthodox Church.  All those who defended Patriarch Sergiy in 
 the most difficult years have witnessed with their lives loyalty to Christ and the Russian 
 Orthodox Church.  

Awards and honours

• Order of Saint Vladimir, 2nd degree, 1909.

• The right to wear the diamond Cross on the klobuk, 1912.

• Order of Saint Alexander Nevsky, 1915.

• The right to wear 2 panagias, 1934.

Writings

• “In the Far East : Letters from a Japanese Missionary” (1890) (Moscow : Sretensky Monastery, 2013). ISBN : 978-5-7533-0818-4

• ‘Christianity in China and Japan’ in “Russian Herald” (December, 1892 ; February, 1893).

• “Question of personal Salvation”, speech before defending a Master's thesis (Moscow, 1895).

• “Eternal Life, as the highest Good” (Moscow, 1895).

• ‘Orthodox Doctrine of Salvation’ (Master's thesis), (Sergiev Posad, 1895 ; 2nd ed. Kazan, 1898).

• ‘In the Far East’ (letters from a Japanese missionary) in "The Theologian Herald" (Arzamas : 1895-1896, 2nd edition, 1897).

• ‘In Japan (Letters of a missionary Journey)’ in "The Theologian Herald" (1899, April-December, 1899) ; Reprinted : “In Japan : Notes of a Missionary” (Moscow : Krutitsky Patriarchal Compound : Society of Church History Fans, 1998), 229 pp.

• ‘The Origin of Pastoral Service and its Necessity’ in "The Theologian Herald" (August, 1900), p. 507.

• “Analysis of heterodox Teachings on Justification”.

• ‘The Doctrine of medieval heterodox Theology’ in "The Theologian Herald" (April, 1895, p. 1 ; August, p. 141).

• ‘Modern Doctrine of heterodox Theology’ in "The Theologian Herald" (June, 1895), p. 346.

• ‘Speech on the Grave of the late Professor Lopukhin’ in "Church Herald", no. 36 (1904), pp. 1132-1134.

• ‘Sanctify them in Thy Truth’ in "Church Gazette" 1904, no. 24 (1904), p. 740.

• ‘Speech at the Time of his Appointment as Bishop of Yamburg on 22 February, 1901’, in "According to the Church Herald", no. 9 (1901), pp. 312-313.

• ‘Speech to Bishop Cyprian at his Ordination 10 March, 1913’ in "According to the Church Herald", no. 12 (1913), pp. 518-520.

• ‘Message to the Shepherds and Flock, 29 July, 1927’ in "Patriarch Sergius and his spiritual Inheritance" (Moscow Patriarchate, 1947), pp. 59-63.

• "Preface to the book : The Truth about Religion in Russia" (Ed. Moscow Patriarchate, 1942).

• ‘As Orthodox Christians, we should relate to the upcoming Celebration of Count Tolstoy’ in "According to the Church Herald" 1908, no. 34 (1908), pp. 1619-1622.

• "Church Herald", no. 35 (1908), pp. 1081-1083.

• "Journal of the Eparchy of Kazakhstan”, nos. 32-33 (1908), pp. 973-983.

• "What separates us from the Old Catholics?" (1902).

• "To the Question of what separates us from the Old Catholics" (1903).

• Two speeches : 1) ‘At the Tonsuring to Monasticism of Eleutherius (Bogoyavlensky)’ in "Church Herald", no. 12 (1904), p. 356 ; 2) ‘At the Tonsuring to Monasticism of Damian (Voskresensky)’ in "Church Gazette", no. 50 (1904), p. 1578.

• “The Law of God, written in the Heart of Man” (St. Petersburg, 1904).

• "Words and Speeches (1901-1905)” (St. Petersburg, 1905).

• ‘Speech delivered at the Helsingfors Orthodox Cathedral to the newly appointed Governor General”, Lieutenant General F A Zeyn, 21 November, 1909’ in "Church Herald", no. 1 (1910), pp. 5-6.

• ‘Rights’ in “The Finland Collection”, no. 9 (1911), p. 3.

• "Letter to Metropolitan Agafangel of 28 January/10 February, 1928”.

• ‘Letter to Metropolitan Agafangel in April, 1928 by Archpriest John Snychev’ in “Church Schisms of the 20th Century”, p. 175.

• "Letter to Metropolitan Cyril of 5/18 September, 1929".

• "Letter to Metropolitan Cyril of 2 January, 1930".

• ‘On the Powers of the Patriarchal Locum Tenens and his Deputies’ in "Journal of the Moscow Patriarchate" (JMP), no. 1 (1931), pp. 3-5.

• ‘Letter dated 28 October, 1931 addressed to the His Eminence Metropolitan Eulogius, Head of the Russian Churches in Western Europe’ in "JMP", no. 2 (1931), pp. 2-3 ; no. 3, p. 1.

• ‘Attitude of the Church of Christ to the Societies Separated from Her’ in "JMP", no. 2 (1931), pp. 5-7 ; no. 3, pp. 3-6 ; no. 4, pp. 3-7.

• ‘Message to the Most Reverend Archpastors, Pastors and all the faithful Children of the Russian Orthodox Church’ in "JMP", no. 5 (1931), pp. 1-2.

• ‘Apology on the daily Communion of the Holy Mystery according to the Commandments of the Saviour Jesus Christ" (Typescript : feedback on the citizen D E Ivanova’s notebook) in "JMP", no. 5 (1931), pp. 3-5.

• ‘Message to the Patriarch of Constantinople Photius II’ in "JMP" 1931, no. 6 (1931), pp. 1-2.

• ‘Message to the Patriarch of Constantinople, His Holiness Photius II, Archpriest of Constantinople (New Rome and Ecumenical Patriarch of 15 October, 1931, No. 7623’ in "JMP", nos. 7-8 (1932), pp. 1-2.

• ‘Response to the Invitation to participate in the London Dogmatic Commission and in the Pre-Council Pan-Orthodox Meeting (Prosinode) of 30 September, 1931, No. 7467’ in "JMP", nos. 7-8 (1932), pp. 6-7.

• ‘Letter to the Representative of the Ecumenical Patriarch in the USSR, Archimandrite Vasily Dinomulo, 12 April, 1932, No. 521’ in "JMP", nos. 9-10 (1932), pp. 1-2.

• ‘The Veneration of the Mother of God by Reason of the Holy Orthodox Church’ in "JMP", nos. 11-12 (1932), pp. 8-11.

• ‘Message to His Beatitude Patriarch of Serbia (Barnabas) of 23 March, 1933, No. 311’ in "JMP", nos. 14-15 (1933), pp. 1-4.

• ‘To the Provisional Exarch of the Moscow Patriarchate in America, Governor of the Russian North American Orthodox Diocese, His Grace Archpriest Benjamin, the God-loving Clergy and Laity who have stood in Faith and in Obedience to the Holy Church’ in "JMP", no. 1617 (1933), pp. 1-3.

• ‘The Resurrection of Christ, unlike the Resurrection of Lazarus’ in "JMP", nos. 16-17 (1933), pp. 4-7.

• ‘The Importance of Apostolic Succession in Non-Orthodoxy’’ in "JMP", nos. 23/24 (1932), pp. 23-24.

• “‘Message to the Shepherds and Flocks of the Orthodox Church of Christ’ by the Locum Tenens of the Patriarchal Throne, Metropolitan Sergius of Moscow and Kolumna” (22 June, 1941) Moscow : Sretensky Monastery, 2010)

• ‘The main Fallacy of Catholicism and Protestantism in "JMP", no. 3 (1963), p. 50, s / s. 13.

• Lykova, L A, "The Russian Orthodox Church during the Great Patriotic War 1941-1945 : Collection of Documents” (Moscow : Krutitskoye Patriarchal Compound, 2009), pp. 18-21 ; pp. 24-25 ; pp. 29-31 ;

• ‘Epistle to the Shepherds and Flocks of the Church of Christ on 22 June, 1941’ in "Russian Orthodox Church during the Great Patriotic War 1941-1945 : Collection of Documents", pp. 3-5.

• ‘Speech at a Prayer Service about the Victory of the Russian Army in the Evening of 26 June, 1941 at the Epiphany Cathedral in Moscow’ in "The Truth about Religion in Russia" (Moscow Patriarchate, 1942), pp. 83-86.

• ‘A Lecture given during the Liturgy in the Church of St John the Warrior on B Yakimanka in Moscow on 12 August, 1941’ in "The Truth about Religion in Russia" (Moscow Patriarchate, 1942), pp. 95-97.

• ‘Message to the Orthodox People in the Territory temporarily occupied by Germans (January, 1942)’ in "Russian Orthodox Church during the Great Patriotic War 1941-1945 : Collection of Documents", pp. 11-12.

• ‘To the Orthodox Flock of Ukraine on 5 February, 1942’ in "Russian Orthodox Church during the Great Patriotic War 1941-1945 : Collection of Documents", pp. 13-17.

• "The Truth about Religion in Russia" (Moscow Patriarchate, 1942), pp. 129-135.

• ‘Second Epistle in the Case of Bishop Polycarp of Sikorsky on 26 March, 1942’ in "The Truth about Religion in Russia" (Moscow Patriarchate, 1942), p. 136.

• ‘Message to the Moscow Flock on 1/14 October, 1941’ in "The Truth about Religion in Russia" (Moscow Patriarchate, 1942), pp. 409-410.

• "Easter Greetings 2 April, 1942”.

• "The Truth about Religion in Russia" (Moscow Patriarchate, 1942), pp. 449-451.

• "Message to the Beloved about Christ to the Children of the Holy Russian Orthodox Church on 22 June, 1942."

• ‘Message to all the faithful Children of our Holy Russian Orthodox Church, especially those living in Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia, 22 September, 1942’ in "Russian Orthodox Church during the Great Patriotic War 1941-1945 : Collection of Documents", pp. 32-34.

• ‘Christmas Message to the Most Reverend Archpastors, Pastors and All Faithful Children of the Russian Church in the Regions of the USSR, Not Yet Freed from German Occupation on 13 December, 1942’ in "Russian Orthodox Church during the Great Patriotic War 1941-1945 : Collection of Documents", pp. 39-40.

• ‘Christmas Message to the Most Reverend Archpastors, Shepherds and All Faithful Children of the Russian Church 25 December, 1942’ in "Russian Orthodox Church during the Great Patriotic War 1941-1945 : Collection of Documents", pp. 37-38.

• ‘The Archpastoral Epistle to the Orthodox Flock of Rostov-on-Don and the Rostov Diocese on 20 March, 1943’ in "Russian Orthodox Church during the Great Patriotic War 1941-1945 : Collection of Documents", pp. 43-45.

• ‘Easter Message on 23 April, 1943’ in "Russian Orthodox Church during the Great Patriotic War 1941-1945 : Collection of Documents", pp. 46-47.

• ‘Message to the Day of the Biennium of the war of 22 June, 1943’ in "Russian Orthodox Church during the Great Patriotic War 1941-1945 : Collection of Documents", pp. 48-50.

• ‘Hierarchical Appeal to all Christians in Yugoslavia, Czechoslovakia, Hellas and other Countries, 23 April, 1943’ in "Russian Orthodox Church during the Great Patriotic War 1941-1945 : Collection of Documents", pp. 83-86.

• ‘On the Activities of the Orthodox Church in two Years of World War II" (report at the Council on 8 September, 1943’ in "JMP", no. 1 (1943), pp. 7-8.

• "Message to the Flock" (12 September, 1943).

• ‘His Speech in the Epiphany Cathedral in Moscow on the Day of Enthronement, 12 September, 1943’ in "JMP", no. 2 (1943), p. 8.

• ‘Holiday Greetings’ in "JMP", no. 4 (1943), pp. 3-4.

• "Message to the Most Reverend Archpastors, Shepherds and all the faithful Children of the Holy Orthodox Church on 7 November, 1943’ in "JMP", no. 3 (1943), pp. 3-4.

• ‘Christmas Message to the Most Reverend Archpastors, Shepherds, and All Faithful Children of the Holy Russian Orthodox Church’ in "JMP", no. 4 (1944), pp. 5-6.

• ‘Does Christ have a Viceroy in the Church?’ in "JMP", no. 2 (1944), pp. 13-18.

• ‘Easter Greetings, 1944’ in “JMP”, no. 4 (1944), pp. 3-4.

• ‘The Rite of the Funeral of the Heterodox’ in “Journal of the Meeting of the Holy Synod", no. 12 (9 June, 1949).

• “Die Wahrheit uber die Religion in Russland” (Zurich, 1941).

• ‘To the Question of the Right of the Patriarch of Constantinople to the Territory of Western Europe’ from the message of 15 October, 1931 by Patriarch Photius II in “Western Exarchate”, no. 5 (1950), pp. 25-27.

• ‘The Attitude of the Church of Christ towards the Societies that have separated from it’ in “Western Exarchate”, no. 19 (1954), pp. 106-126.

• ‘Le Christ a t’il un Vice-roi dans l’Eglise’ in “Western Exarchate”, no. 20 (1954), pp. 213-219, Paris 1960.

• ‘Le culte de la Mère de Dieu dans l`Eglise orthodoxe’ in “Edba”, pp. 220-227.

• ‘L`Eglise du Christ et les Communautés dissidentes (avec introduction et notes de V Lossky)’ in “Western Exarchate”, no. 21 (1955), pp. 9-32.

• ‘Die Beziehung der Kirche Christi zu den Gemeinschaften? Die sich von ihr getrennt haben’ in “Kyrios”, no. 1 (1960/61), pp. 159-186.

• ‘Die Bedeutung der apostolischen Sukzession bei den heterodoxen Glaubensgemeinschaften’ in “StdO”, no. 6 (1962), pp. 26-34.

• ‘La signification de la succession apostolique dans l`heterodoxie’ in “Western Exarchate”, nos. 42/43 (1963), pp. 74-96.

• ‘The Attitude of an Orthodox Person to his Church’ in "JMP", no. 1 (1967), pp. 63-69.

• ‘‘L`attitude d`un orthodoxe envers son Eglise et envers l’heterodoxie’ in “Western Exarchate”, nos. 62/64 (1968), pp. 112-121.

• “The Significance of Apostolic Successors in the Non-Orthodox Faiths’ in “Diakonia”, no. 6 (1971), pp. 147-162.

• ‘La question du filioque’ in “Istina”, no. 17 (1972), pp. 290-292.

• ‘The Veneration of the Mother of God according to the Mind of the Holy Orthodox Church’ in "JMP", no. 9 (1973), pp. 57-61.

• “German StdO”, no. 5 (1974), pp. 56-64.

• ‘The Resurrection of Christ, in Contrast to the Resurrection of Lazarus’ in "JMP", no. 104 (1973), pp. 61-66.

• ‘O come, Lord Jesus !’ in "JMP", no. 12 (1973), pp. 32-33.

• ‘Von der Verehrung der Gottesmutter in der Orthhodoxie’ [‘Veneration of the Mother of God according to the Mind of the Holy Orthodox Church’] in “StdO”, no. 5 (1973), pp. 56-64. (

• "JMP", nos. 14/15 (1932), pp. 1-4.

• “Résurrection du Christ et résurrection de Lazare suivi de : Le Christ a-t-il un vicaire dans l’Église” (Paris : Église orthodoxe française).

• ‘Der Wiederkunft Christs entgegen’ in “StdO”, no. 1 (1978), pp. 28-30.

• ‘The Joy of an Obligation’ in "JMP", no. 9 (1983), pp. 72-73.

• ‘He will be alive with Truth and Faith’ in “JMP”, no. 7 (1984), pp. 44-45.

• No. 5 was almost wholly dedicated to the 50th Anniversary of the death of Patriarch Sergius in “JMP”, no. 5 (1994).

• ‘In the Name of Love for One's Neighbour’ in “V. O.” ("Russian Orthodox Church during the Great Patriotic War 1941-1945 : Collection of Documents"), no. 5 (1994), pp. 127-131.

• ‘The Resurrection of Christ, in Contrast to the Resurrection of Lazarus’, in “JMP”, no. 5 (1994), pp. 50-56.

• ‘9 January, 1905’, in “JMP”, no. 5 (1994), pp. 15.

• ‘Does Christ Have a Viceroy in the Church ?’ in “JMP”, no. 5 (1994), pp. 98-102.

• ‘Why is Holy Russia given the Orthodox Faith? (Speech after the prayer service before the opening of the annual meeting of the Society of Zealots of Faith and Mercy on 22 October, 1901)’ in “JMP”, no. 5 (1994), pp. 9-11.

• ‘The Significance of Apostolic Succession in the non-Orthodox Church’ in “JMP”, no. 5 (1994), pp. 61-79.

• ‘To the Question of Tolerance’ in “JMP”, no. 5 (1994), pp. 19-22.

• ‘On the Eve of the Announcement of complete religious Tolerance (Teaching at a moleben on the day the Academy was founded on 17 February, 1905)’ in “JMP”, no. 5 (1994), pp. 16-18.

• ‘The Attitude of the Church of Christ towards the Societies that have separated from it’ in “JMP”, no. 5 (1994), pp. 80-98.

• ‘The Patriarchal Locum Tenens, the humble Sergius, Metropolitan of Moscow and Kolomna to the Pastors and Flocks of the Orthodox Church of Christ, Moscow, June 7/22, 1941’ [The message was sent on the first day of the war to all parishes] in “JMP”, no. 5 (1994), pp. 122-123.

• ‘Teaching about the Liturgy at the Church of Saint John the Warrior on Bolshaya Yakimanka in Moscow on 12 August, 1941’ in “JMP”, no. 5 (1994), pp. 125-126.

• “The Veneration of the Mother of God according to the Mind of the Holy Orthodox Church” in “JMP”, no. 5 (1994), pp. 56-61.

• ‘A Prayer Service about the Victory of the Russian Army in the Evening of June 26, 1941 at the Epiphany Cathedral in Moscow’ in “JMP”, no. 5 (1994), pp. 124-125.

• ‘Speech at the Time of being named Bishop (22 February, 1901) [while still an archimandrite]” in “JMP”, no. 5 (1994) p. 8.

• ‘Anniversary of Saint Petersburg, 16 May, 1903 (Synodal period)’ in “JMP”, no. 5 (1994), pp. 11-14.

• Akathists composed by Patriarch Sergiy :

- “In Honour of the Vladimir Icon of the Mother of God".

- “In Honour of the Bogolyubsky Icon of the Mother of God".

- “In Honour of the Tenderness Icon of the Mother of God".

- “In Honour of the Resurrection of Christ".

- “To the Holy Spirit”.

- "The Living Tree of the Cross of the Lord".

- "Saints Sergius and Herman of Valaam, Wonder-workers".

- "Saint Sergius of Radonezh".

Writings about Patriarch Sergiy (Stragorodsky) by various authors :

• "Church Bulletin", no. 5 (1901), p. 29.

• "According to the Church Bulletin", no. 9 (1901), pp. 311-314.

• "Church Bulletin", no. 27 (1903), p. 284 ; no. 42 (1905), p. 471 ; no. 24 (1908), p. 209 ; nos. 19-20 (1911), p. 106 ; no. 21 (1911), p. 179 ; no. 42 (1911), p. 327 ; no. 18 (1912), p. 104 ; no. 17 (1913), p. 176 ; no. 3 (1915), p. 26 ; no. 27 (1917), p. 178 ; no. 30 (1917), p. 236 ; no. 34 (1917), p. 286.

• "According to the Church Bulletin", nos. 7-8 (1918), p. 322.

• "Church Bulletin", nos. 19-20 (1918), p. 114.

• "According to the Church Bulletin", no. 40 (1903), p. 1548.

• "Missionary Survey” (March 1901), p. 297.

• "Symb. EV", no. 17 (1901).

• "Shower. Interview", 2nd issue, no. 5 (1897), pp. 53, 150-154.

• "Christian Reader" (1909), pp. 22, 238, 390, 574, 725, 965.

• Denisov, p. 744.

• "Missionary Calendar” (1907), p. 138.

• "Church Herald" 1895, no. 26 p. 823-824. 1904, no. 9 p. 278. 1904, no. 12 p. 356. 1904, no. 24 p. 740.1904, no. 36 p. 1132-1134. 1904, no. 42 p. 1325.1904, no. 50 p. 1578.1908, no. 1 p. 14. 1908, no. 2 p. 53.1908, no. 31 p. 957. 1908, no. 38 p. 1191.

• "Russian Pilgrim", no. 14 (1905), p. 203-204 ; no. 23 (1911), p. 366-367 ; no. 17 (1912), p. 255 ; no. 32 (1912) p. 495 ; no. 36 (1915), p. 573.

• "Journal of the Moscow Patriarchate", no. 1 (1931), p. 1 ; no. 2 (1931), p. 1-2 ; no. 3 (1931), p. 1-3 ; no. 4 (1931), p. 2-3 ; no. 5 (1931), p. 2-4 ; nos. 7-8 (1932), pp. 6-7 ;

• "JMP", nos. 9-10 (1932), pp. 2-9 ; nos. 11-12 (1932), p. 1-8 ; nos. 23/24 (1932), pp. 1-3 ;

• "JMP", no. 13 (1933), pp. 1-3 ; nos. 14-15 (1933), pp. 2-6 ; nos. 16-17 (1933), p. 3-4 ;

• "JMP", nos. 18-19 (1934), pp. 1-6 ; nos. 20-21 (1934), p. 1-4 ;

• "JMP", no. 1 (1943), pp. 5-8, 16-18 ; no. 2 (1943), pp. 3-5, 8-30 ; no. 3 (1943), pp. 3-4, 9-11 ; no. 4 (1943), pp. 5-6, 9-11 ;

• "JMP", no. 1 (1944), pp. 7-8 ; no. 2 (1944), pp. 10-11; no. 3 (1944), p. 3, 9, 12, 23-26 ; no. 4 (1944), p. 9 ; no. 5 (1944), pp. 3-5,10-13 ; no. 6 (1944), pp. 3-46 ; no. 7 (1944), pp. 19-25 ; no. 8 (1944), pp. 17-18 ; no. 9 (1944), pp. 16-20 ; no. 12 (1944), pp. 27-28 ;

• “JMP”, no. 6 (1944), p. 4 ff. : ‘The Funeral of Patriarch Sergius’.

• "JMP", no. 1 (1945), p. 42 ; no. 4 (1945), pp. 67-68 ; no. 5 (1945), pp. 75-76 ;

• "JMP", no. 4 (1947), pp. 41-45 ;

• "JMP", no. 5 (1954), pp. 13-17 ;

• "JMP", no. 12 (1957), pp. 39-42 ;

• "JMP", no. 4 (1959), p. 64 ; no. 5 (1959), p. 10 ; no. 11 (1959), pp. 13-51 ;

• "JMP", no. 2 (1960), pp. 30-32 ; no. 3 (1960), p. 15 ; no. 7 (1960), pp. 45-46 ; no. 8 (1960), pp. 21, 62-64 ; no. 10 (1960), pp. 52-55 ; no. 11 (1960), pp. 14-20 ;

• "JMP", no. 5 (1961), p. 41 ; no. 6 (1961), p. 36 ; no. 9 (1961), p. 18 ;

• "JMP", no. 5 (1964), pp. 65-72 ; no. 6 (1964), pp. 11-12, 29-32 ; no. 10 (1964), pp. 43-56 ; no. 11 (1964), pp. 53-55.

• (Razumov), Archbishop John, ‘Good Shepherd (on the 20th Anniversary of the Death of His Holiness Patriarch Sergius)’ in “Journal of the Moscow Patriarchate”, no. 5 (1964), pp. 65-72.

• "The Truth about Religion in Russia" (Moscow Patriarchate 1942), pp. 7-14, 15-17, 49-58, 61-70, 83-86, 95-97, 129-135, 136-140, 409, 410, 449-451.

• "Patriarch Sergius and his spiritual Inheritance" (MP, 1947).

• Rodzianko, M V, “The Reign of Rasputin : An Empire’s Collapse, Memoirs of M V Rodzinako”, (Academic International Press, 1973), pp. 26, 185.

• "The Journal of the Holy Synod of the Russian Orthodox Church", nos. 21-22 (1924), p. 89; no. 7 (1926), p. 6 (updated) ; no. 3 (1927), p. 21 (updated) ;

• "Siberian Church", no. 2 (1922) p. 1.

• "Orthodox Interview", October (1897), pp. 383, 556 ; December (1910), p. 6. 1814, February (1914), p. 4 ; July-August (1914), p. 4.

• Eleutherius, Metropolitan, "The Collegiality of the Church : God and Caesar" (Paris, 1938), pp. 49-207.

• Eleutherius, Metropolitan, "A Week in the Patriarchate" (Paris, 1933), pp. 15-149.

• "Petrograd Theological Academy Commemorative book for 1915-1916 Academic Year", p. 7.

• "Journal of the Holy Russian Church Hierarchy for the year 1917", pp. 36-37.

• "Letter from Bishop Boris of Ufa of 24 February, 1924" (materials on the updating of the schism, p. 78).

• "Orthodox Review" 1884, February (1884) p. 396 ; February (1887), p. 420.

• "Russian Orthodox Church", pp. 3-50, 73-86, 169, 194, 211-213.

• "Urals Church Communities" (Updated), no. 1 (1928), p. 12.

• "Urals Church Communities" (Updated), 1928, no. 4 (1928), p. 12.

• "Historical Information about Arzamas" (1911), p. 195.

• "NES", vol. 29a (1900), p. 650.

• "NES", add. vol. 2 (1907), p. 616.

• " Journal of the Eparchy of Kazakhstan”, nos. 13-14 (1898), p. 596 ; no. 16 (1903), p. 36 (report) ; nos. 27-28 (1911), p. 839 ; no. 10 (1912), p. 344 ; no. 41 (1912), p. 1242 ; no. 1 (1913), p. 22 ; no. 23-24 (1913), pp. 721-722 ; no. 39 (1913), p. 1174 ; no. 43 (1913), p. 1308 : no. 44 (1913), p. 1303 ; no. 45 (1913), p. 721-722 ; no. 7 (1914), p. 208 ; no. 46 (1914), pp. 807-811.

• (Snychev), Metropolitan John, "Church Schisms in the Russian Church in the 1920s and 1930s" (St Petersburg : Sortavala, 1993) [E-book]

• Archpriest Alexander, ‘Sergievshchina and Grigoryevshchina’ in "Herald of the Holy Synod of the Orthodox Russian Church" (1927), pp. 5-6.

• (Yatskovsky), Archpriest Gregory, ‘On the current Situation of the Russian Orthodox Church and its Governance, November 23, 1926’ in "Orthodox Church Calendar 1927", ed. E N Lviv.

• (Rukin), Bishop Boris, "On the current Situation of the Russian Orthodox Patriarchal Church" (Moscow : Author's Edition, 1927).

• Lupersolsky, N Prot., "Metropolitan Sergius, legal, canonical Deputy of the Patriarchal Locum Tenens" (Ed. Diocese Sov., Vyatka, 1928).

• Bulgakov, p. 1412, 1416.

• “BES”, vol. 2 (St Petersburg), p. 2048.

• “FMP”, no. 62, pp. 25-26.

• “FPS”, vol. 1, no. 5 p. 1.

• “FPS”, vol. 2, p. 1.

• “FPS”, vol. 4, p. 7.

• “FPS”, vol. 5, no. 175.

• “FAM”, vol 1, no. 233, pp. 19, 111.

• “Cat-AM (obn.)”, no. 313A.

• “Iliodor”, pp. 12, 107.

• Lagovsky, I, ‘The Struggle of Metropolitan Sergius for the Orthodox Faith against the Atheists (denunciation of slander)’ in “Journal of the Exarchate of the Orthodox Church of Western Europe” (1928), pp. 14-15, 17, 18, 21-28.

• Shevich, K, ‘The Religious Situation in Russia last Year (1929-1930)’ in “Journal of the Exarchate of the Orthodox Church of Western Europe”, nos. 6/7 (1930), pp. 22-29, 36-46.

• ‘From the Correspondence between His Eminence Metropolitan Sergius and His Eminence Metropolitan Eulogius’ in “Orthodox Church of Western Europe”.

• “Journal of the Exarchate of the Orthodox Church of Western Europe”, no. 3 (1931), pp. 3-18.

• Stratonov, I, “Russian Church Troubles 1921-1931” [from the history of the Christian Church at home and abroad in the 20th century : Materials on the history of the Church] (Moscow, 1995), pp. 29-172.

• ‘The Great Hierarch’ in "JMP", no. 5 (1949), pp. 43-46.

• E L, “Bishops, Confessors and Patriarch Sergius’ in “Journal of the Exarchate of the Orthodox Church of Western Europe”, nos. 6/7 (1935), pp. 10-25.

• Andreev, Ivan M, ‘Life and Work of the Patriarch Sergius’ in “A brief Overview of the History of the Russian Church from the Revolution to the present Day” (Jordanville, NY : St Job of Pochaiv Press, 1952), pp. 72-77.

• “Patriarch Sergius und geistiges Eube” (Berlin, 1952), 148 pp.

• ‘Decade of the Death of His Holiness Patriarch Sergius’ in “Exarchate Messenger”, no. 19 (1954), pp. 98-105.

• ‘Le Patriarche Serge (1867-1944), note bibliographique’ in “Exarchate Messenger”, no. 20 (1954), pp. 212-213.

• Alexeev, Wassiliy, “Russian Orthodox Bishops in the Soviet Union, 1941-1953 (New York : Research Program on the USSR, 1954), pp. 65-69, 65-97.

• Spinka, Matthew, “The Church in Soviet Russia” (New York : Oxford University Press, 1956), pp. 51-100. ASIN : B0006D70DQ.

• Yakovlevich, R, ‘The Fall as understood by Patriarch Sergius’ in “Orthodox Thought” no. 3 (1958), pp. 152-153.

• Yakovlevich, R, ‘Orthodox understanding of Bliss in the Works of Patriarch Sergius’ in “Orthodox Thought”, no. 4 (1959), pp. 189-198.

• Grabbe, G, “The Truth about the Russian Church in the Homeland and Abroad” (Jordanville, NY : St Job of Pochaiv Press, 1961).

• Jakovlevitch, J, ‘Mon program: le programme de l`Esprit-Saint (Notice sur la vie et l`oeuvre theologique de l`ancien patriarche de Moscou, Serge Stragorodsky, pour le centenaire de sa naissance)’ in “Annuaire de l`Eglise orthodoxe tchechoslovaque, 1966”, pp. 97-106.

• Glukhov, I, ‘Patriarch Sergius and his Activities’ in "JMP", no. 3 (1967), pp. 59-70.

• Sakarpatski, I, ‘Dem groben Hierarchen, Patriarch Sergius, zum Gedachtnis’ in “StdO”, no. 5 (1967), pp. 53-62.

• (Razumov), Ioann, ‘Patriarch Sergius und das religiose Denken seimer Zeit’ in “StdO” no. 10 (1967), pp. 52-62.

• Troitsky, G, ‘Patriarch Sergius and the Russian foreign Church Schism’ in "ZhMP" 1968, no. 5 (1968), p. 12-15 ; no. 6, pp. 18-27.

• Chertkov, A, “Crash” (Moscow, 1968), passim.

• (Nechaev), Pitirim, ‘Patriarch Sergius in the History of the Restoration of the Patriarchate’ in "JMP", no. 5 (1969), p. 63-71.

• E L, “Bishops Confessors” (San Francisco, 1971), pp. 7-9.

• Felmy, K C, “Predigt im orthodoxen Russland” (Gottingen, 1972), p. 208.

• (Sabodan), Metropolitan Vladimir, ‘Acting Speech of the Rector of the Moscow Theological Academy and Seminary (biography of Patriarch Sergius) : Report 1/14 October,1973 at the Moscow Theological Academy’ in "JMP", no. 11 (1973), pp. 66-73.

• Kuroedov, V A, ‘Relations between the Soviet State and the Church’ in “Questions of History”, no. 9 (1973), pp. 15-26.

• ‘Thirtieth Anniversary of the Death of His Holiness Patriarch Sergius’ in "JMP", No. 7 (1974), p. 5.

• Fontschenkow, W, ‘Der Beitrag der Russischen Orthodox Christian Kirche zum des Sowjetvolkes im Groben Vaterlandischen Krieg (1941-1945)’, in “StdO”, no. 11 (1970), pp. 32-33.

• ‘Sergius’ in “Great Soviet Encyclopedia”, ed. 3, vol. 23, p. 289.

• Jerome, Ignatius, ‘Declaration of 1927’ in “Orthodox Russia”, no. 13 (1977), p. 1-6.

• Damaskin (Cedric), ‘Letter from the Bishop of Damascus to Metropolitan Sergius’ in “Orthodox Russia”, no. 13 (1977), pp. 7-12 (from 29.3.1929).

• Krasnov - Levitin, A, “The Dashing Years 1925-1941” (Paris, 1977), pp. 91-100.

• ‘Ruckblick auf sechs Jahr zehnte Patriarchatsgeschichte’ in “StdO”, no. 9 (1978), p. 17.

• ‘In Memory of His Holiness Patriarch Sergius’ in "JMP", no. 5 (1981), p. 24.

• Chrysostomus OSB, Johannes, ‘Die umstrittene Deklaration des Metropoliten Sergij vom 29 / Juli 1927 und ihr Echo’ in “Unser ganzes Leben Christus unserem Gott uber antworten. Studienzur ostkirchlichen Spiritualitat Fairy v. Lilienfeld zum 65 Geburtstag”, (Gottingen, 1982), pp. 434-445.

• Lossky, V, ‘Personality and Thoughts of His Holiness Patriarch Sergius’ in "JMP", no. 11(1984), pp. 434-445.

• ‘On the 40th Anniversary of the Death of His Holiness Patriarch Sergius (1944-1984)’ in “JMP”, no. 4 (1946), pp. 25-26.

• Kitev, N, ‘Confessors and Martyrs of the 1930s’ in "Vest. Russ. Chr. Dv. (“Bulletin of the Russian Christian Movement”) no. 150 (1987), pp. 236-248. [Nir 1988, no. 5, p. 10f.]

• Regel'son, Lev, “Tragedija Russkoj Cerkvi 1917-1945” [“Tragedy of the Russian Church 1917-1945”] (Paris, 1977), pp. 344, 365, 406, 408, 413, 535.

• Chrysostomus, J, “Kirchengeschichte”, vol. 1, passim ; vol. 2, pp. 65-67, passim ; vol. 3, passim.

• Struve, N, passim.

• Rklisky, N, “Biographies in 10 volumes”, vol. 4, p. 76 ; vol. 6, pp. 220-308.

• Heyer, F, “Die orthodoxe Kirche”, passim.

• Fletcher, W C, “The Russian Orthodox Church Underground 1917-1970”, pp. 43-78.

• Curtiss, J C, “The Russian Orthodox and the Soviet State, 1917-1950” (Peter Smith Publishing Inc., 1965), pp. 175-195. ISBN 10 : 0844611417 ; ISBN 13 : 978-0844611419.

• Andreyev, I M, “Russia’s Catacomb Saints”, passim.

• Ellis, I J, “The Russian Orthodox Church”, vol. 4, pp. 345, 400.

• Levitin, A, Sharov V, “Essays on the History of Russian Church Trouble”, 3 volumes, (Kuzny, 1978), vol. 1, pp. 166, 170-172 ; vol. 2, pp. 112, 170, 205, 266 ; vol. 3, pp. 27, 127, 285.

• Pospielovsky, D, “The Russian Orthodox Church Under the Soviet Regime 1917-1982”, 2 vols. (Crestwood, NY : St. Vladimir’s Seminary Press, 1984).

• “Sergijs Beziehungen zum Okumenischen Patriariarchat”, pp. 64, 259, 262 ; mit der Auslandskirche, pp. 106f, 122, 125-126, 133, 139-142, 265, 289-290 ; mit der Serbischen Kirche, pp. 263f.

• Hauptmann, P, “Die Katechismen der russisch-orthodoxen Kirche”, p. 156.

• Cunningham, J W, “A vanquished Hero”, passim.

• Ovchinnikov, V G, ‘The Orthodox Church in the history of our country’ in “Questions of History”, no. 5 (1988), pp. 11-121, 119-120.

• Georgievsky, Metropolitan Evlogy, “My Life’s Journey : The Memoirs of Metropolitan Evlogy”, 2 volumes (Crestwood, NY : SVS Press, 2014). ISBN : 0881414387. (Intro. Thomas Hopko, trans. Alexander Lisenko.) pp. 109, 197, 307.

• Bodewig, H, “Die russische Patriarchatskirche”, pp. 15f, 25, 126, 154, 163, 178, 187, 241.

• Hauptmann, P und Stricker, G, “Die Orthodoxe Kirche in Russland, Dokumente ihrer Geschichte (1980)”, (Gottingen, 1988).

• Rossler, R, “Die Russische Orthodoxe Kirche im Sowjetstaat (seit 1937)”, hier : Dokumente nos. 262, 264 (die "Deklaration"), pp. 265, 270, 271, 275-283, 285, 286.

• Metropolitan Pitirim “Holy Russian Orthodox Church” [Church of the 19th century], (Berlin, 1988), pp. 101-106.

• Rossler, R, “Zur ‘Deklaration’ von Patriarch Sergij (1927)”, in “G2W 16”, no. 12 (1988), p. 2.

• ‘Curriculum Vitae : From the dictionary of Metropolitan Manuil (Lemeshevsky)’ in “JMP”, no. 5 (1994), p. 7.

• Ivanov, N P, ‘The Doctrine of Salvation by Patriarch Sergius’ in “JMP”, no. 5 (1994), pp. 22-36.

• Kravetsky, A G ; Pletneva, A A, ‘Patriarch Sergius as a Liturgist’ in “JMP”, no. 5 (1994), pp. 37-49.

• (Lemeshevsky), Metropolitan Manuel, ‘Patriarch Sergius and the Renovationist Schism’ in “JMP”, no. 5 (1994), pp. 103-106.

• (Belavenets), Nikon, ‘“Grandfather”: subjective notes of the "sergianin" on the 50th Anniversary of the Death of His Holiness Patriarch Sergius’ in “JMP”, no. 5 (1994), pp. 118-121.

• Tsypin, Archpriest Vladislav, ‘Declaration of 1927’ in “JMP”, no. 5 (1994), pp. 107-118.

• Bufeev, Archpriest Konstantin, ‘Patriarch Sergius, Renovationism and the failed Reformation of the Russian Church of the 20th Century’ in “The Holy Fire”, no. 6 (2001).

• "(Gundyaev), Patriarch Kirill : Patriarch Sergius did not give the godless Authority a Reason to destroy the Church" on Pravmir web-site (14 August, 2017).

References

Moscow Patriarchate biography

Moscow Patriarchate biography (in Russian)

Russian Wikipedia biography

Russian Wikipedia biography (in Russian)

Wikipedia biography

Orthodoxwiki biography

ABC of Faith biography

ABC of Faith biography #2 (by Archpriest Georgiy Mitrofanov)

Orthodox World biography

Arzamas Diocese biography

Saratov Metropolis biography

Additional information :

Bolton, Kerry, “‘Saint Joseph’ : Was Stalin a Defender of the Church ?”

Curtiss, J C, “The Russian Orthodox and the Soviet State, 1917-1950” (Gloucester, Massachusetts : Peter Smith Publishing Inc., 1965), pp. 175-195. ISBN 10 : 0844611417 ; ISBN 13 : 978-0844611419.

Firsov, Sergey Lvovich, "Time as Judge : Orthodox Churches of Russia and Constantinople in the 20th Century" (Moscow : Department of External Church Relations, 12 December, 2018).

Golovkin, Nikolai, “In Memory of His Holiness Patriarch Sergius (Stragorodsky of Moscow and All Russia” (in Russian)

Mitrofanov, Father George, “History of the Russian Orthodox Church 1900-1927” (Saint Petersburg : Satis, 2002).

Odintsov, Mikhail, “The Way of the Cross of Patriarch Sergii” (1994)

Pospielovsky, Dimitry, “The Russian Church Under the Soviet Regime 1917-1982”, 2 vols. (Crestwood, New York : Saint Vladimir’s Seminary Press, 1984).

Prokurat, Michael ; Golitzin, Alexander & Petersen, Michael, eds., ‘Living Church’ in the “The A to Z of the Orthodox Church” (Lanham, MD : Scarecrow Press, 2010), pp. 204-205. ISBN : 978-0-8108-7602-6.

Regelson, Lev, “Tragedy of the Russian Church, 1917-1953”, Afterword by John Meyendorff (London : Darton, Longman & Todd Ltd, 1981). ISBN 10 : 0232515247 ; ISBN 13 : 978-0232515244.

Rocucci, A, “Stalin and the Patriarch : the Orthodox Church and Soviet power 1917-1958” (Moscow, 2016), pp. 274-275.

Rodzianko, M V, “The Reign of Rasputin : An Empire’s Collapse, Memoirs of M V Rodzinako”, (Gulf Breeze, Florida : Academic International Press, 1973). ISBN 10 : 0875690513 ; ISBN 13 : 978-0875690513.

Rozhneva, Olga, “Patriarch Sergy (Stragorodsky)" (Moscow : Sretensky Monastery, 2017). ISBN : 978-5-7533-1322-5.

(Snychev), Metropolitan John, "Church Schisms in the Russian Church in the 1920s and 1930s" (Saint Petersburg : Sortavala, 1993) [E-book]

Tsypin, Archpriest Vladislav, ‘Russian Orthodox Church under the Most Holy Patriarch Alexy I (Simansky) (1944-1970)’ in “History of the Russian Orthodox Church (1917-1997)”.

Ware, Timothy (Metropolitan Kallistos of Dioclea), "The Orthodox Church", 3rd edition (Penguin Books, Random House, 2015). ISBN : 978-0-141-98063-8.

Russian Wikipedia biography, found in the “Literature” section. [See Chapter 7 about Patriarch Sergiy. A textbook has been published as the 9th book (application) of the History of the Church by Metropolitan Macarius (Bulgakov) (Moscow : Valaam Monastery, Spaso-Preobrazhensky Monastery Publishing House, 1997), 831 pp.]

Encyclopaedia Britannica article about the “Renovated Church”

Orthodoxwiki article about the Gregorian Schism

Declaration of 1927 by Metropolitan Sergius (Stragorodsky)

'Declaration 1927' in "Orthodox Encyclopaedia"

Wikipedia article “Religion in the Soviet Union”

Wikipedia article : "Treaty on the Creation of the USSR”

Wikipedia article “History of the Soviet Union”

Wikipedia article “Soviet Union”

Orthodoxwiki article about the Russian Orthodox Church

Wikipedia article about the Orthodox Church of Russia

Wikipedia article about Saint Petersburg Theological Seminary and Academy

Wikipedia timeline of Eastern Orthodoxy in North America

Britannica article about the Arzamas Literary Society of the 19th century

Court case Kedrovsky vs. Archbishop Alexander (Nemolovsky), 1921

“Return of 'Archbishop' John Kedrovsky to the USA”, 1923

Court case Kedrovsky vs Archbishop Platon (Rozhedestvensky), 1925

Court Case Kedrovsky vs Archbishop Platon (Rozhdestvensky), 1926

Pravmir.ru article : “Patriarch Sergius (Stragorodsky) and his church-political views” by Archpriest Maxim Khizhiy (published in the Almanac “Alpha and Omega” nos. 47, 48, 49 (2006, 2007). (28 December, 2012)

Pravmir.ru article : “Patriarch Sergius (Stragorodsky) and his church-political views” by Archpriest Maxim Khizhiy (published in the Almanac “Alpha and Omega” nos. 47, 48, 49 (2006, 2007). (in Russian) (28 December, 2012)

“The Patriarch who predicted Victory : On the 150th Anniversary of Patriarch Sergius (Stragorodsky)” (18 January, 2017)

“150 Years have passed since the Birth of Patriarch Sergius (Stragorodsky)” (2017)

“Sister of the Primate, Patriarch Sergiy and the Red Terror” (2017)

Patriarchia.ru article “Time as Judge : Orthodox Churches of Russia and Constantinople in the 20th Century” (12 December, 2018)

75th Anniversary of the Repose of Patriarch Sergiy (Stragorodsky) (10 July, 2019)

“January 23 marks the 155th Anniversary of the Birth of Patriarch of Moscow and All Russia Sergius (Stragorodsky)” (23 January, 2022)

Video from the 1924 “Living Church” assembly

Video : “Angel of the Russian Church against the father of all nations” (Documentary Film, directed by V Zolotukha) (2014)

Video about Patriarch Sergius (Stragorodsky) on Arzamas land (2016)

Video about the Museum in Arzamas about Patriarch Sergiy (2016)

Video about Patriarch Sergiy (2019)

Patriarch Tikhon (Belavin)

Metropolitan Saint Benjamin (Kazansky)

Metropolitan Platon (Rozhdestvensky)

Metropolitan Antony (Khrapovitsky)

Metropolitan Evlogiy (Georgievsky)

Metropolitan Boris (Vik)

Metropolitan Peter (Polyansky)

Archbishop Evdokim (Meschersky)

Archbishop Agathangel (Preobrazhensky)

Archbishop Gregory (Yatskovsky)

Archbishop Benjamin (Fedchenkov)

Archbishop Hilarion (Troitsky)

Bishop Antonin (Granovsky)

Bishop Eleutherius (Bogoyavlensky)

Metropolitan John (Razumov)

“Bishop” John Kedrovsky

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